The Ministry of Home Affairs will be organising the Third Ministerial ‘No Money for Terror’ Conference next week where participants from around 75 countries are expected to attend.
‘No Money for Terror’ Conference
The conference that was first held In Paris in 2018, followed by Melbourne in 2019.
It will be held in Delhi after gap of two years due to the travel restrictions imposed due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Objectives of the event
India’s efforts: The event conveys India’s determination in its fight against terrorism as well as its support systems for achieving success against it.
Global cooperation: It also intends to include discussions on technical, legal, regulatory and cooperation aspects of all facets of terrorism financing.
Compliance mechanism: The involvement of a compliant State often exacerbates terrorism, especially its financing.
What is Terror Financing?
Terrorist financing encompasses the means and methods used by terrorist organizations to finance their activities.
This money can come from legitimate sources, for example from profits from businesses and charitable organizations.
But terrorist groups can also get their financing from illegal activities such as trafficking in weapons, drugs or people, or kidnapping for ransom.
Nations like Pakistan has stated policy of supporting cross-border terrorism in India through global fundings.
Why need consensus over terror-finance prevention?
Globally, countries have been affected by terrorism and militancy for several years and the pattern of violence differs in most theatres.
It is largely impacted by tumultuous geo-political environment, coupled with prolonged armed sectarian conflicts.
Such conflicts often lead to poor governance, political instability, economic deprivation and large ungoverned spaces.
Other mechanisms to curb terror financing: FATF
FATF is an intergovernmental organization founded in 1989 on the initiative of the G7 to develop policies to combat money laundering.
It makes recommendations for combating financial crime, reviews members’ policies and procedures, and seeks to increase acceptance of anti-money laundering regulations across the globe.
What hinders the global consensus?
No definition of terrorism: There is no universal agreement over what constitutes terrorism. This weakens efforts to formulate a concerted global response.
Non-enforcement: Multilateral action suffers from inadequate compliance and enforcement of existing instruments.
No global watchdog: Counter-terrorism regime lacks a central global body dedicated to terrorist prevention and response.
Way forward
No country if safe if terrorism persists anywhere across the world.
The world must resolve to make the international financial system entirely hostile to terrorist financing.
Concerted efforts and a comprehensive approach should be adopted to counter terrorism under the UN auspices on a firm international legal basis.
Former Supreme Court Judge Rohinton Fali Nariman has said civil suits against hate speech leading to the award of punitive damages should be taken up by courts.
What did the ex-Judge say?
He described the Fundamental Duty of fraternity (Article 51A(5)) as the only Constitutional method of assuring the dignity of every citizen and the unity and integrity of the nation.
The cardinal principle of fraternity prescribed that every citizen honoured the other citizen in the spirit of brotherhood, transcending religious, sectarian, and other tendencies.
He opined that civil suits like defamation being dealt with fines would be more efficient in curbing hate speeches against individuals.
Article 51A(5): Promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional diversities and to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women.
What is ‘Hate Speech?
There is no specific legal definition of ‘hate speech’.
The Law Commission of India, in its 267th Report, says: “Hate speech generally is an incitement to hatred primarily against a group of persons defined in terms of race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, religious belief and the like …
Thus, hate speech is any word written or spoken, signs, visible representations within the hearing or sight of a person with the intention to cause fear or alarm, or incitement to violence.”
In general, hate speech is considered a limitation on free speech that seeks to prevent or bar speech that exposes a person or a group or section of society to hate, violence, ridicule or indignity.
How is it treated in Indian law?
Provisions in law criminalize speeches, writings, actions, signs and representations that foment violence and spread disharmony between communities and groups and these are understood to refer to ‘hate speech’.
Sections 153A and 505 of the Indian Penal Code are generally taken to be the main penal provisions that deal with inflammatory speeches and expressions that seek to punish ‘hate speech’.
[I] Section 153A:
Promotion of enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony’, is an offence punishable with three years’ imprisonment.
[II] Section 505:
505(1): Statements conducing to public mischief– The statement, publication, report or rumour that is penalized under Section 505(1) should be one that promotes mutiny by the armed forces, or causes such fear or alarm that people are induced to commit an offence against the state or public tranquillity. This attracts a jail term of up to three years.
505(2): It is an offence to make statements creating or promoting enmity, hatred or ill-will between classes.
505(3): Same offence will attract up to a five-year jail term if it takes place in a place of worship, or in any assembly engaged in religious worship or religious ceremonies.
Why curb hate speeches?
Creates social divide: Individuals believe in stereotypes that are ingrained in their minds and these stereotypes lead them to believe that a class or group of persons are inferior to them and as such cannot have the same rights as them.
Threat to peaceful co-existence: The stubbornness to stick to a particular ideology without caring for the right to co-exist peacefully adds further fuel to the fire of hate speech.
Issues in regulating hate speech
Powers to State: Almost every regulation of speech, no matter how well-intentioned, increases the power of the state.
Hate speeches are Political: The issue is fundamentally political and we should not pretend that fine legal distinctions will solve the issue.
Legal complications: An over-reliance on legal instruments to solve fundamental social and political problems often backfires.
Way forward
Subjects like hate speeches become a complex issue to deal with, in a country like India which is very diverse, as it was very difficult to differentiate between free and hate speech.
There are many factors that should be considered while restraining speeches like strong opinions, offensive comments towards certain communities, the effect on values like dignity, liberty and equality.
We all have to work together and communicate efficiently for our country to be a healthy place to live in.
The Jharkhand assembly on Friday cleared two bills, one fixing land records of 1932 as the basis for a domicile in the state and another to increase reservation in state government jobs across categories to 77%
What is the news?
Though both these bills were cleared unanimously, they would come into effect only after the Centre includes them in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution.
A law in the Ninth Schedule is shielded from judicial review.
Why the need to include in Ninth Schedule?
The 77 per cent reservation breaches the 50 per cent ceiling set by the Supreme Court in the landmark 1992 Indra Sawhney v Union of India verdict.
However, placing legislation in the Ninth Schedule shields it from judicial scrutiny.
What is the Ninth Schedule?
The Ninth Schedule contains a list of central and state laws which cannot be challenged in courts.
Most of the laws protected under the Schedule concern agriculture/land issues.
The Schedule became a part of the Constitution in 1951, when the document was amended for the first time.
It was created by the new Article 31B, which along with 31A was brought in by the government to protect laws related to agrarian reform and for abolishing the Zamindari system.
While A. 31A extends protection to ‘classes’ of laws, A. 31B shields specific laws or enactments.
How many laws are there in ninth schedule?
Currently, 284 such laws are shielded from judicial review.
The First Amendment added 13 laws to the Schedule. Subsequent amendments in 1955, 1964, 1971, 1974, 1975, 1976, 1984, 1990, 1994, and 1999 have taken the number of protected laws to 284.
Previous instances — Tamil Nadu’s case
A Tamil Nadu Law of 1993, reserves 69 per cent of the seats in colleges and jobs in the state government.
When it ran into legal obstacles in the 1990s after the SC verdict, the then CM led a delegation to New Delhi to meet the then PM PV Narasimha Rao.
The reservation provision was then included in the Ninth Schedule.
Nature of exemption from Judicial Review
While the Ninth Schedule provides the law with a “safe harbour” from judicial review, the protection is not blanket.
The Tamil Nadu law was challenged in 2007 in the I R Coelho v State of Tamil Nadu
The Supreme Court ruled in a unanimous nine-judge verdict that while laws placed under Ninth Schedule cannot be challenged on the grounds of violation of fundamental rights.
They can be challenged on the ground of violating the basic structure of the Constitution, said the apex court.
Verdict of the IR Coelho Case
The IR Coelho verdict said, “A law that abrogates or abridges rights guaranteed by Part III of the Constitution may violate the basic structure doctrine or it may not.
If former is the consequence of law, whether by amendment of any Article of Part III or by an insertion in the Ninth Schedule, such law will have to be invalidated in exercise of judicial review power of the Court.”
What is the 1973 deadline about?
The court clarified that the laws cannot escape the “basic structure” test if inserted into the Ninth Schedule after 1973.
As it was in 1973 that the basic structure test was evolved in the Kesavananda Bharati case as the ultimate test to examine the constitutional validity of laws.
A Parliamentary panel has refuted that 20,000 ST people, who make up at least 50% of the total population criteria is “impractical” to build new Eklavya Model Residential Schools (EMRS).
What are Eklavya Schools?
EMRS started in the year 1997-98 to impart quality education to Scheduled Tribes (ST) children in remote areas in order.
It aims to enable them to avail of opportunities in high and professional educational courses and get employment in various sectors.
The schools focus not only on academic education but on the all-round development of the students.
Each school has a capacity of 480 students, catering to students from Class VI to XII.
Hitherto, grants were given for construction of schools and recurring expenses to the State Governments under Grants under Article 275 (1) of the Constitution.
Eklavya schools are on par with Navodaya Vidyalaya and have special facilities for preserving local art and culture besides providing training in sports and skill development.
Features of Eklavya Schools
Admission to these schools will be through selection/competition with suitable provision for preference to children belonging to Primitive Tribal Groups, first-generation students, etc.
Sufficient land would be given by the State Government for the school, playgrounds, hostels, residential quarters, etc., free of cost.
The number of seats for boys and girls will be equal.
In these schools, education will be entirely free.
What is the population-based criteria?
The Tribal Affairs Ministry plans to build EMRS on 15 acres of land in all sub-districts which have ST communities of more than 20,000 people, who make up at least 50% of their total population.
Wherever density of ST population is higher in identified Sub-Districts (90% or more), it is proposed to set up Eklavya Model Day Boarding School (EMDBS) on an experimental basis.
Issues with this criteria
There are difficulties in identifying and acquiring lands in several tribal districts.
Especially in forested or hilly areas, a contiguous 15-acre plot is hard to find.
This criterion would also deprive scattered ST populations of the benefit of the Eklavya schools.
For most of the places for EMRSs, there is no land available inside the village or the block.
French President Emmanuel Macron announced the end of the decade-long Operation Barkhane in Africa’s Sahel Region.
Note the nations falling in Sahel Region.
Sahel Region
The Sahel is the ecoclimatic and biogeographic realm of transition in Africa between the Sahara to the north and the Sudanian savanna to the south.
Having a semi-arid climate, it stretches across the south-central latitudes of Northern Africa between the Atlantic Ocean and the Red Sea.
The name is derived from the Arabic term for “coast, shore”; this is explained as being used in a figurative sense in reference to the southern edge of the vast Sahara.
The Sahel part includes from west to east parts of northern Senegal, southern Mauritania, central Mali, northern Burkina Faso, the extreme south of Algeria, Niger, the extreme north of Nigeria, the extreme north of Cameroon and the Central African Republic, central Chad, central and southern Sudan, the extreme north of South Sudan, Eritrea and the extreme north of Ethiopia.
What is Operation Barkhane?
France began its military operations in Sahel in January 2013.
Titled Operation Serval, it was limited to targeting Islamic extremists linked to al-Qaeda who took control of northern Mali.
However, in 2014, the mission was scaled up, renamed Operation Barkhane and was aimed at counter-terrorism.
The objective was to assist local armed forces to prevent the resurgence of non-state armed groups across the Sahel region.
Around 4,500 French personnel were deployed with the local joint counter-terrorism force.
In the recent EWS judgment by the Supreme Court, Three judges on the Constitution Bench said the policy of reservation in education and employment cannot continue for an indefinite period.
The statement made highlights the issue of reservations in India. Therefore, this edition of the burning issue will analyze the issue of reservations in India, its future, challenges and way forward.
About the Reservation Policy of India
Reservation is a system of affirmative action in India that provides for historically disadvantaged groups.
The legal origin of the Reservation Policy in India began with the lying down of the Government of India Act, of 1919, and the Communal award in 1932.
Post-independence, based on provisions in the Indian Constitution (Article 15, Article 16 and Article 335), it allows the Union Government and the States and Territories of India to set reserved quotas or seats, which lower the qualifications needed in exams, jobs openings, university admissions, scholarships, promotions, etc. for “socially and educationally backward citizens.
Reservation is primarily given to all 4 groups: Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, and Economically Weaker Section, abbreviated as SC, ST, OBC, and EWS respectively. Originally only SC and ST communities were eligible for reservation.
In 1987, it was extended to include OBCs after the implementation of the Mandal Commission report. In 2019, the reservation was extended for the Economically Weaker Section within the General Category, however, all the categories mentioned receive different monetary values for their reservation: usually SC, and ST draws higher quota or benefits, then OBC, then EWS.
Constitutional provisions regarding the reservation
The Constitution of India lays down certain provisions regarding the reservation in India, namely:
Article 15(4) of the Indian Constitution states that the State has the right to make special provisions for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes.
Article 15(5) of the Indian Constitution states provisions created for the reservation of SC, ST, and Backward classes in private educational institutions.
Article 16(4) of the Indian Constitution states that the State has the right to make provisions for the reservation to provide adequate representation of all the castes in Government services.
Article 330 and 332 of the Indian Constitution provides for specific representation through the reservation of seats for SCs and STs in the Parliament and the State Legislative Assemblies respectively.
Current situation of reservations in India
Currently, Reservation is given to different categories of applicants in educational institutions or government jobs.
Scheduled Castes get 15%, Scheduled Tribe -7.5%, Other Backward Class (OBC) -27%, Economically Weaker Sections (EWS)-10%, and Persons with Benchmark Disabilities get 4% reservation.
From above, it is clear that 60% reservation is given to various categories such as SCs, STs, OBC, and EWS with respect to government jobs and educational institutions.
Initially, the reservation was provided based on social and educational backwardness. But, after the 103rd Constitutional Amendment of 2019, economic backwardness was also considered for reservation.
Every state has the right to reserve certain seats for underprivileged people. The state-wise distribution of reservations varies from state to state. For example, The total reservation in Maharashtra State was 52%, Tamil Nadu has 69% reservation etc.
The biggest debate related to Reservations: Should reservations continue?
Yes, it should!
The low representation of Reserved communities: According to data presented by the Education Minister in the Rajya Sabha, in Indian Institute of Science (IISc) Bengaluru, only 2.1 per cent of candidates admitted to the Ph.D. programs were from the ST category, 9 per cent were from SC and 8 per cent from OBC categories from 2016-2020. Most of the IITs do not have a single professor from the SC/ST community.
Still lack equal opportunity: Even though India is progressing, still there is a need to provide reservations to certain classes of society. It is the duty of the government to provide equal opportunity and status to unprivileged people. Even today many people belong to the lower caste and do not have access to equal opportunity and status.
Discrimination continuing: the real purpose of introducing reservation was to break the age-old caste prejudices and discrimination against the reserved communities. But, Even after years of independence, the lower caste people are looked upon in the same way they were some years ago. Great caste discrimination still exists in rural areas.
Gives a Level Playing field:Reservation provides a level playing field as it is difficult for the backward sections who were historically deprived of education, skills, and economic mobility to suddenly start competing with those who had access to those means for centuries.
Reducing opportunities for reserved community: since LPG reforms, the privatization of PSU and the education sector has led to reduced opportunities for the reserved communities due to a lack of reservation in the private sector hence reservations in public institutions seem to be a tool to compete with general category candidates.
The flip side. Reservation should not continue!
Causing a “race to backwardness”: the reservation policy has led to race among several new communities, even dominant regional caste groups to demand reservations in government jobs and educational institutions.
Becoming redundant: Reservation through a caste-based system has become redundant in the modern age and is taking away opportunities from those who are underprivileged in economical terms.
Strengthening casteism: Moreover, the reservation system only divides the society leading to discrimination and conflicts between different sections since it is oppressive and does not find its basis in casteism. It is promoting casteism in India.
Ever widening quotas: with new castes, categories and tribal communities being added to the list the beneficiaries of the reservations, the quantum of the reservation is increasing year by year, breaching the 50% quota limit set by SC in the Indira Sawney case.
Loss of original purpose of reservations: According to Surith Parthasarthy, Advocate Madras HC, the reservation policy today has lost its original purpose to end the prejudice against certain communities and correct historical injustice. But today it has become a tool to gain public employment and seats in public educational institutes.
Reservation is not a fundamental right: It is a settled law, time and again reiterated by the Supreme Court, that there is no fundamental right to reservation or promotion under Article 16(4) or Article 16(4 A) of the Constitution. Rather they are enabling provisions for providing reservation if the circumstances so warrant (Mukesh Kumar and Another vs State of Uttarakhand & Ors. 2020).
An inefficient system: TheJustice G. Rohini Commission’s report concluded that 97% of central OBC quota benefits go to just under 25% of its castes. As many as 983 OBC communities — 37% of the total — have zero representation in both central government jobs and admissions to central universities. Also, the report states that just 10% of the OBC communities have accrued 24.95% of jobs and admissions.
Opening pandora box: the reservation issue is giving rise to new challenges like the demand for caste census, the definition of creamy layers, reservation in the private sector, domicile-based reservations etc.
Important Supreme Court cases related to Reservations
Indra Sawhney Judgment (1992)
In the judgment, a nine-judge bench presided by CJI MH Kania upheld the constitutionality of the 27% reservation.
But it put a ceiling of 50% unless exceptional circumstances warranted the breach so that the constitutionally guaranteed right to equality under Article 14 would remain secure.
While Article 16(1) is a fundamental right, Article 16(4) is an enabling provision and not an exception.
Further, the Court directed the exclusion of the creamy layer by way of horizontal division of every other backward class into creamy layer and non-creamy layer.
M. Nagaraj (2006) Case
A five-judge bench of the Supreme Court declared the 1995 amendment as not vocative of the basic structure of the Constitution.
It laid down certain conditions which included the collection of quantifiable data showing the backwardness of the class and inadequacy of representation of that class in public employment.
The bench held that the creamy layer among SCs and STs is to be excluded from the reservation.
Jarnail Singh vs Lachhmi Narain Gupta (2018)
It was authored by Justice Rohinton Nariman and indicates a critical turn in the jurisprudence of reservation.
In this case, a constitutional bench of the Supreme Court was called on to examine the wisdom of the 2006 judgment.
This task was to examine the constitutionally recognized socio-economic backwardness of the SCs and STs which may not require any further substantiation.
It was also contended that the requirement to identify creamy lawyers among SC and STs fell foul of Indra Sawhney’s decision.
The constitution bench invalidated the requirement to collect quantifiable data in relation to SCs and STs.
It upheld the principle of applicability of creamy lawyers in relation to SCs and STs.
Dr. Jaishri Laxmanrao Patil vs Chief Minister (2021)
Despite the Indra Sawhney ruling, there have been attempts on the part of many States to breach the rule by way of expanding reservation coverage.
The Maharashtra Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Act 2018, (Maratha reservation law) came under challenge before the Supreme Court.
This case was referred to a bench of five judges to question whether the 1992 judgment needs a relook.
Interestingly, the Supreme Court affirmed the Indra Sawhney decision and struck down Section 4(1)(a) and Section 4(1)(b) of the Act which provided 12% reservation for Marathas in educational institutions and 13% reservation in public employment respectively.
This judgment gave out a strong message that some State governments blatantly disregard the stipulated ceiling on electoral gains rather than any exceptional circumstances.
What is needed right now- Reforms!
Evidence-based policy option: We need to develop a wide variety of context-sensitive, evidence-based policy options that can be tailored to meet the specific requirements of specific groups.
Institution: We need an institution like the Equal Opportunities Commission of the United States or the United Kingdom which can undertake two important but interrelated things: Make a deprivation index correlating data from the socio-economic-based census of different communities. And Undertake an audit on the performance of employers and educational institutions on non-discrimination and equal opportunity and issue codes of good practice in different sectors.
This will make the formulation of policy and its monitoring simpler at an institutional level.
Similar suggestions were made a decade ago in the recommendations that the expert committee for an Equal Opportunities Commission (2008) made in its comprehensive report that it submitted to the Ministry of Minority Affairs.
Conclusion
The policy of reservation can be fair and effective if it acts as affirmative action for the benefit of the backward sections of society. To meet the aim of the reservation policy, its aid should reach the majority of the population which is considered an underprivileged section of society.
In the present time, there is a need to revise the reservation policy of India so that the benefit can reach the marginalized sections of the deprived classes. But while revising the reservation policy, we must ensure that the benefit of the reservation should reach the socially, economically, and educationally backward sections of society. Social, educational and economic criteria should be taken cumulatively to determine the backward classes of the society.
As Justice Ravindran in the Ashok Kumar Thakur vs Union of India case rightly said, “When more people aspire for backwardness rather than of forwardness, the country itself stagnates”.
According to the QS World ranking: The 2023 edition of the Quacquarelli Symonds (QS) world university ranking reckons that three of India’s higher educational institutions amongst the top 200 of the World. Another three are counted among the top 300 whereas two more in the top 400.
As per the Times Higher education Ranking: The Times Higher Education (THE) ranking places only one Indian institution among the top 400 of the worlds.
Academic rankings: Rankings are the same with the Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU). Barring one of the most eminent public-funded deemed universities of the country, all the rest are Institutions of National Importance (INIs) the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), to be specific.
Why other universities reflect poor performance than IITs and INIs?
IITs have more autonomy: IITs are not only better funded but also generally self-governed, enjoying a greater degree of autonomy as they fall outside the regulatory purview of the University Grants Commission (UGC) and the All-India Council for Technical Education (AICTE).
Strict UGC regulations: Funded through the University Grants Commission (UGC), universities are all subject to a very strict regulatory regime.
Micro-management of universities functioning: Abiding by UGC regulations and AICTE guidelines, encompasses almost all aspects of their functioning be it faculty recruitment, student admission and the award of degrees. In many cases, they are micro-managed by the regulatory authorities.
Very less autonomy to UGC affiliated Universities: Most of the universities have become so comfortable with the practice that they rarely assert their autonomy.
Ranking on basis of compliance: Central universities in the country are also ranked on the basis of their ‘obedience’ to regulatory compliances. Even in the academic domain, many of them are comfortable in publicly stating that they have adopted the model curricula, pedagogy and syllabi prescribed by the regulatory bodies, even though the same may have been only indicative.
What are the good practices of best universities around the world?
Importance to autonomy: The best universities in the world are continuously sensitized about the importance of their autonomy and are trained and enabled to make their own decisions.
University autonomy tool for comparison: The European University Association (EUA), for example, prescribes a ‘university autonomy tool’ that lets each member university compare its level of autonomy vis-à-vis the other European higher education systems across all member countries.
Four specific autonomies for ranking: By focusing on four autonomy areas (organizational, financial, staffing, and academic) the EUA computes composite scores and ranks all the countries in Europe.
What are the efforts taken to improve the universities performance?
National education policy 2020: A large number of commissions and committees, including the national policies on education (including the National Education Policy 2020), have highlighted the need for higher education autonomy. The new education policy seeks to completely overhaul the higher education system, and to attain this objective, repeatedly emphasizes the need for institutional autonomy.
Academic and administrative autonomy: The NEP regards academic and administrative autonomy essential for making higher education multi-disciplinary, and that teacher and institutional autonomy are a sine qua non in promoting creativity and innovation.
Independent board of management: The policy considers a lack of autonomy as one of the major problems of higher education and promises to ensure faculty and institutional autonomy through a highly independent and empowered board of management which would be vested with academic and administrative autonomy.
Light but tight regulation: It argues for a ‘light but tight’ regulatory framework and insists that the new regulatory regime would foster a culture of empowerment. Further, it goes on to say that by relying on a robust system of accreditation, all higher education institutions would gradually gain full academic and administrative autonomy.
Conclusion
Universities in India have been losing their autonomy. In the two years since the approval, announcement, and gradual implementation of the NEP, universities in India today are far less autonomous than earlier. If India wants to be leader in knowledge and patent economy then its universities must be freed from clutches of unreasonable regulations.
Mains Question
Q. Why Indian universities does poor on world ranking of universities? Autonomy of university is keystone to improve the performance of universities. Examine.
Defence-Expo 2022 held in Gandhinagar, Gujarat in October drew attention to a major policy initiative, the need for India to acquire the appropriate degree of “atma nirbharata” (self-reliance) in the defence sector and the arduous path ahead.
What is the present status of defence supplies in India?
High dependency on foreign supply: Even as India aspires to become a $5-trillion economy, it is evident that it faces many national security inadequacies. The high dependency index on foreign suppliers (traditionally the former USSR now Russia) for major military inventory items is stark.
Risk of National vulnerability: This dependency induces a macro national vulnerability and dilutes India’s quest for meaningful and credible strategic autonomy.
Undermining national interest: Furthermore, the current gaps in combat capacity expose the chinks in the Indian ability to safeguard core national security interests. The Galwan setback apropos China is illustrative.
Do you know the following examples of Indigenous defence production?
INS Vikrant: The commissioning of the indigenously-designed and built aircraft carrier INS Vikrant.
SLBM Missiles: The recent test fired SLBM (submarine-launched ballistic missile) from the INS Arihant is indigenously bulit.
LCH Prachand: The induction of the made in India Prachand LCH (light combat helicopter) is significant leap.
Kalashnikov-type light weapon: The conclusion of a deal with Russia to manufacture a Kalashnikov-type light weapon/small arms in India.
155mm artillery Gun: The 155-mm artillery guns being designed and manufactured in the country.
Current scenario of India’s Defence export
Rising defence export: India’s defence exports have grown eight times in the last five years.
Exporting the defence material to 75 nations: India is exporting defence materials and equipment to more than 75 countries of the world. In 2021-22, defence exports from India reached $1.59 billion (about Rs 13,000 crore).
Target of $5 billion export: The government has now set a target of $5 billion (Rs 40,000 crore).” This is an ambitious target and will demand mission-mode resolve to be realised.
Why our defence industry is not competitive at global stage?
Import of critical components: India does not yet have the domestic competence to fully design and manufacture any significant combat weapon/platform and is dependent on the foreign supplier for the critical components that lie at the core of the combat index of the equipment in question.
Partial methods of indigenous manufacturing: While it is commendable that India is now going to manufacture the C295 transport aircraft in a collaboration with AirBus, France, the reality is that the engine, avionics, landing gear, etc, will come from abroad and the integration will be done by the Indian entity.
Soft defence export: While India now claims that it will soon become a major arms exporter, the composition of such inventory leans towards the “soft” category (clothing, helmets, surveillance equipment).
No major defence manufacturing hub: India missed the industrial design and manufacturing bus, a national competence demonstrated by nations like South Korea and China, over the last five decades. Technological advances have made the design and manufacture of the semiconductor chip the new currency of national prosperity and military power.
Increasing the investment in R&D is necessary: At the heart of this challenge is the grim reality that historically, India has not invested enough in the national research and development (R&D) effort. As per data collated by the World Bank, India has been able to allocate only 0.66 per cent of GDP (2018) towards R&D, while the world average is 2.63 per cent.
Matching with the Global players in R&D: The comparable individual R&D allocation (per cent of GDP) for some other nations is as follows: Israel 5.44; USA 3.45; Japan 3.26; Germany 3.14; China 2.4; and Turkey 1.09.
Making the R&D prior national issue: Providing a sustained fillip to the national R&D effort across the board (state, corporate and academia) remains critical if India is to emerge as a credible military power and one would identify this as a high-priority issue for the national security apex the CCS (cabinet committee on security).
Read this news Defence- Expo 2022
India’s flagship exhibition on land, naval and homeland security systems.
Defence-Expo 2022 was the 12th edition, held in Gandhinagar, Gujrat
Largest participation with 75 countries so far.
A milestone under Atmanirbhar Bharat policy.
Conclusion
The push to achieve self-reliance in defence is commendable. India must step up R&D to achieve competence in design, manufacture of combat weapons/platforms. Meaningful indigenisation and credible “atma nirbharta” calls for sustained funding support, fortitude and an ecosystem that will nurture this effort.
Mains Question
Q. Discuss the current state of indigenous defence production in India? Why Indian defence industry is not Globally competitive?
Punjab has assured Kerala Government to provide paddy straw for usage as fodder for livestock using the Kisan Rail Project.
Why such move?
Kerala, being a land-stressed coastal state, does not generate enough roughage that can be used as fodder for cattle.
It ranks second in milk production after Punjab.
The move will help Punjab to deal with the excessive paddy straw which contributes to stubble burning.
About Kisan Rail Project
In the Union Budget 2020-21 an announcement was made by the Union Finance Minister regarding the launch of Kisan Rail.
The idea behind running Kisan Rail services is to move perishables including fruits, vegetables, meat, poultry, fishery and dairy products from production or surplus regions to consumption or deficient regions.
The speedy rail movement would thus ensure minimum damage during transit.
How can farmers transport their produce?
The farmers have to approach the Chief Parcel Supervisor of the Railway Stations from where the Kisan Rail service is scheduled to originate or to have enroute stoppage, along with their consignment.
Due care is taken to ensure that the packing condition is not faulty.
The consignment is weighed and charges are levied as per the prescribed parcel rates (P-scale).
Salient features
50 percent subsidy is given in freight for transportation of fruits and vegetables.
The subsidy is being borne by the Ministry of Food Processing Industries under their Operation Greens – TOP to Total scheme.
There is no minimum limit on quantity that can be booked, enabling small famers to reach bigger and distant markets.
Kisan Rails are based on the concept of multi commodity, multi consignor, multi consignee and multi stoppages – to help small farmers with lesser produce to transport their consignment without any middleman.
Need for such scheme
Farmers, especially small and marginal farmers, often find it difficult to sell their produce in markets beyond a certain distance.
This is primarily due to factors such as non-availability of affordable transport, delay in transit resulting in damage/decay to produce, and unwillingness of road transporters to carry small sized consignments.
Benefits provided
Access to markets: Vast network of Indian Railways enables farmers from remote villages to connect to the mainstream market and sell their agricultural produce.
Helps prevent food wastage: It saves times and encourages farmers to transport their perishables to greater distances and bigger markets.
Getting better deal for farmers: Kisan Rail is a factor enabling improvement in terms of trade for farmers and the real returns received by farmers for their produce.
Doubling farmers’ income: Access to such markets will enable farmers to sell their produce at a better price, which will go a long way in fulfilling Government’s vision of ‘doubling farmers’ income.’
