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Type: Op-ed

  • India’s role in a disordered world

    Context

    Western nations want to throw Russia out of the G-20. China has opposed them. India will be chair of the G-20 from December 1, 2022. The world is greatly disordered. What should India stand for?

    Challenges to the global order

    • The war in Ukraine in February 2022 has put the final nail in the coffin of the boundary-less global economy that seemed to be emerging with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.
    • Vaccines were hoarded by rich countries in the COVID-19 pandemic: poor countries starved.
    • The World Trade Organization (WTO) was already in a bad state before the novel coronavirus pandemic, with rich and poor countries unable to agree on equitable rules, when COVID-19 froze global supply chains.
    • Institutions of global governance have failed to unite the world.

    Global order and governance challenge

    • In the aftermath of the Second World war, new institutions for global governance were established — the United Nations and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to provide finance to build the economies of all countries to eliminate poverty.
    • However, the victors retained their veto power within the United Nations Security Council to determine when force can be used to keep the world in order, and to prevent the proliferation of nuclear power.
    • The UN General Assembly meets every year — now 193 nations strong.
    • It passes many resolutions to address global problems — hunger, poverty, women’s rights, terrorism, climate change, etc.
    • However, “might is right”: members of the Security Council retain their right to deny the democratic will of the Assembly when it does not suit them.
    • Global governance is not democratic.

    G-7 and G-20

    • The United States, the United Kingdom, France, Italy, Japan, West Germany and Canada formed the G7 in 1976. ‘so that the noncommunist powers could come together to discuss economic concerns, which at the time included inflation and recession following the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) oil embargo’.
    • The European Union was invited to attend in 1977.
    • Russia joined in 1998 — and ‘its inclusion was meant as a signal of cooperation between East and West after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991’.
    • However, Russia was removed from G-8 in 2014 when it invaded the Crimea. China was never a member.
    • After the Asian financial crisis, the G20 was formed in 1999 with the aim of discussing policies in order to achieve international financial stability.
    • Russia and China are members.
    • Now western nations want to throw Russia out of the G-20. China has opposed them.
    • India will be chair of the G-20 from December 2022.
    • Meanwhile, India is being hectored by officials from the U.S. and the U.K. to support their sanctions on Russia.
    • India has so far refused to be cowed down.

    Backlash against globalisation

    • The belief that unfettered flows of finance and trade across national borders will lift people in all poor countries out of poverty and make the world flatter in terms of inequality has failed.
    •  Strong leaders who put the interests of their own countries first are gaining power through elections — in Turkey, Hungary, Poland, Russia, and even India.
    • Free market capitalism is not ideologically compatible with a genuine democracy.
    • Capitalist institutions are governed by the fundamental principle of ‘property rights’.
    • Whereas, genuine democracies are founded on the principle of equal human rights.
    • The rules of governance of capitalist and democratic institutions have always been in tension within societies.
    • Capitalist institutions want to be unfettered by democratic regulations to make it easier to do business.
    • Democratic institutions want to rein in the competitive animal spirits of capitalism to create a more compassionate capitalism.

    Conclusion

    To prevent violence, it is essential that global governance becomes genuinely democratic. Countries must not attack each other. But they must be given the freedom to evolve their own democracies and economies and not be dictated to by others.

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  • Upholding the right to repair

    Context

    Apple recently announced that consumers will have the right to purchase spare components of their products, following an order of the Federal Trade Commission of the United States, which directs manufacturers to remedy unfair anti-competitive practice and asks them to make sure that consumers can make repairs, either themselves or by a third-party agency. The momentum is, however, not so strong in India.

    Challenges in repairing of electronic goods

    • Repairing is becoming unreasonably expensive or pretty much impossible because of technology becoming obsolete.
    • Incompatibility: Companies avoid the publication of manuals that can help users make repairs easily.
    • No repair manual: The absence of repair manuals means that manufacturers hold near-monopoly over repair workshops that charge consumers exorbitant prices.
    • Incompatibility: Manufacturers have proprietary control over spare parts and most firms refuse to make their products compatible with those of other firms.
    • Planned obsolescence results in products breaking down too soon and buying a replacement is often cheaper and easier than repairing them.
    • Big companies often deploy mechanisms that practically forbid other enterprises to repair their products.
    • Digital warranty cards, for instance, ensure that by getting a product from a “non-recognised” outfit, a customer loses the right to claim a warranty.

    Right to repair

    • The rationale behind the “right to repair” is that the individual who purchases a product must own it completely.
    • This implies that apart from being able to use the product, consumers must be able to repair and modify the product the way they want to.
    • Monopoly on repair processes infringes the customer’s’ “right to choose” recognised by the Consumer Protection Act, 2019. 
    •  In Shamsher Kataria v Honda Siel Cars India Ltd (2017), for instance, the Competition Commission of India ruled that restricting the access of independent automobile repair units to spare parts by way of an end-user license agreement was anti-competitive.

    International practices

    • Many countries have taken initiatives, adopted policies and even tried to enact legislation that recognise the “right to repair” to reduce electronic waste.
    • Some jurisdictions offer limited scope for exercising the right to repair.
    • For instance, under the Australian Consumer Law consumers have a right to request that certain goods be repaired if they break too easily or do not work properly.
    • The Massachusetts Motor Vehicle Owners’ Right to Repair Act, 2012 requires automobile manufacturers to provide spare parts and diagnostics to buyers and even independent third-party mechanics.
    • The UK also introduced the path-breaking “right to repair” in 2021 that makes it legally binding on manufacturers to provide spare parts.

    Way forward

    • Well-drafted legislation will not only uphold the right to repair but may aid in striking a much-needed balance between intellectual property and competitive laws in the country.

    Conclusion

    If people want to fix things in a timely, safe and cost-effective way, whether by doing it themselves or taking it
    to a service centre of their choice, providing access to spare parts and information is imperative.

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  • India-UK relations: A new shine to old ties

    Context

    As Prime Minister Narendra Modi hosts British premier Boris Johnson this week in India, the moment is ripe to turn the expansive new possibilities — in trade, investment, high technology, defence, and regional cooperation— into concrete outcomes.

    Background of the India-UK ties and  paradoxes

    • Legacies of colonialism: The bitter legacies of colonialism had made it impossible for the two sides to pursue a sensible relationship in the past.
    • India’s post-colonial engagement with Britain has been riddled with multiple paradoxes.
    • 1] India’s post-post colonial resentment and UK’s claim for special role: Delhi’s lingering post-colonial resentments and London’s unacceptable claim for a special role in the Subcontinent generated unending friction.
    • The consequences of Partition and the Cold War made it harder for Delhi and London to construct a sustainable partnership.
    • The important role played by the US: It was the US that first recognised India’s rapidly-growing relative weight in the international system.
    • At the turn of the millennium, Washington unveiled a policy of assisting India’s rise.
    • This was based on a bipartisan American consensus that a stronger India will serve US interests in Asia and the world.
    • Over the last two decades, it has led to a quick transformation of US relations with India.
    • 2] Washington is setting the pace for Delhi’s relationship with London:  At the dawn of Independence, India saw London as the natural interlocutor with an unfamiliar Washington.
    • Today it is Washington that is setting the pace for Delhi’s relationship with London.
    •  3] China’s role in shaping India’s relations with the West: For Washington, the strategic commitment to assist India’s rise was rooted in the recognition of the dangers of a China-dominated Asia.
    • London in the last two decades was moving in the other direction — a full embrace of Beijing.
    • Once the American deep state decided to confront Chinese power in the late 2010s, London had to extricate itself from the Chinese Communist Party’s powerful spell.
    • As the US unveiled a new Asian strategy, Britain followed with its own “Indo-Pacific tilt” that helped secure the region against China’s muscular policies.
    • 4] Historic tilt towards Pakistan: Unlike the US and France, which are committed to an “India first” strategy in South Asia, Britain remains torn between its new enthusiasm for India and the inertia of its historic tilt towards Pakistan.
    • But India is confident that Pakistan’s relative decline in the region is bound to make it a less weighty factor in India’s bilateral relations with Britain.
    • The question of Pakistan brings us to the fourth paradox—the domestic dynamics of Britain that have tended to sour ties with India.
    • Delhi has figured out that the interconnected politics of India and Britain — shaped by the large South Asian diaspora of nearly four million — can be cut both ways.
    • 5] Making best of historic ties:  If the Tories are romantic about the Raj, nationalists in India bristle at the British imperial connection.
    • Yet, together they are constructing a new relationship between India and Britain.

    Better outlook for bilateral ties

    • As the two sides make a determined effort to transcend the paradoxes, the regional and international circumstances provide a new basis for mutually beneficial engagement.
    • Over the last couple of years, Delhi and London have begun a promising and pragmatic engagement devoid of sentiment and resentment.
    • Having walked out of Europe, Britain needs all the partners it can find and a rising India is naturally among the top political and economic priorities.
    • Delhi meanwhile has become supremely self-assured in dealing with London.
    • With the Indian economy set to become larger than Britain’s in the next couple of years, Delhi is no longer defensive about engaging Britain.
    • Even more important, Delhi recognises the value of a deep strategic partnership with London.

    Conclusion

    The UK has a significant international military presence and wide-ranging political influence. Realists in Delhi are trying to leverage these British strengths for India’s strategic benefit.

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  • A fatal friendship with Beijing

    Context

    China’s intervention has proved disastrous for the economies of Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Pakistan.

    China-Myanmar relations and its implications

    • Myanmar, China’s closest neighbour with a long history of cross border trade, was the first country to voluntarily turn towards Beijing, from 1988, when the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) took over the reins of government.
    • World sanctions followed, but Beijing reassured the generals of its continued support and in 1989, signed a treaty of trade and cooperation that made China the sole supporter of the illegitimate military government.
    • The strong western sanctions after 2007, made China virtually its sole trading partner.
    • The link with China became essential for the regime’s survival but did little to increase economic prosperity.
    • Wood alone accounts for about 70 per cent of Myanmar’s exports to China.
    • It’s clear that China is stripping bare Myanmar’s centuries-old teak forests.

    Implications for Pakistan

    • In 2012,  Pakistan signed on to the China Pakistan Economic Corridor.
    • New Delhi and Washington imagined wrongly that the CPEC would lead to a major People’s Liberation Army-Navy (PLAN) expansion into the Indian Ocean through Gwadar, which even now is a largely disused port.
    •  As a conservative IMF estimate put it, Islamabad’s poor management of the economy and reckless borrowing has put its immediate financial needs (2022) at $51 billion.
    • Projects chosen are unviable like the Gwadar port and the Lahore Metro and attracted huge public criticism. The CPEC was put on hold and rebooted.
    • The IMF warned Islamabad of the CPEC repayment boosting the current account deficit, forcing Pakistan to cut Chinese interest payments for 10 years.
    • The CPEC has been a humbling experience for China and an economic disaster for Pakistan.

    Implications for Sri Lanka

    • Against all economic surveys and advice, the Hambantota port was built, it floundered and Sri Lanka transferred the land as equity to China for 99 years.
    • From 2012 to 2016, China accounted for 30 per cent of all FDI to Sri Lanka, becoming the top source of foreign investment
    • Today China is funding 50 projects in the country, involving more than $1 billion, including the Colombo Port and the Lakvijaya thermal power plant.
    • Today, the Sri Lankan economy is in complete meltdown, with China holding the largest amount of Sri Lankan debt.
    • Private banks have run out of funds to finance imports. Its main sources of revenue, tourism and remittances, have dried up, and the government is in a crisis.

    Conclusion

    The recourse to availing Chinese money by Myanmar, Pakistan and Sri Lanka has led to a feeling of hubris among the leaders, inducing them to take bad economic decisions in the perception that Beijing is footing the bills.

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  • The war’s many victims

    Context

    Beyond Ukraine’s borders, far beyond the media spotlight, the war has launched a silent assault on the developing world. This crisis could throw up to 1.7 billion people — over one-fifth of humanity — into poverty, destitution and hunger on a scale not seen in decades.

    Impact of the war on the developing world

    • Ukraine and the Russian Federation provide 30 per cent of the world’s wheat and barley, one-fifth of its maize, and over half of its sunflower oil.
    • Together, their grain feeds the poorest and most vulnerable people, providing more than one-third of the wheat imported by 45 African and least-developed countries.
    • At the same time, Russia is the world’s top natural gas exporter, and second-largest oil exporter.
    • But the war is preventing farmers from tending their crops while closing ports, ending grain exports, disrupting supply chains and sending prices skyrocketing.
    • The World Food Programme has warned that it faces the impossible choice of taking from the hungry to feed the starving.
    • It urgently needs $8 billion to support its operations in Yemen, Chad and Niger.
    • But while much of the world has stepped up in solidarity with the people of Ukraine, there is no sign of the same support for the 1.7 billion other potential victims of this war.

    The Global Crisis Response Group on Food, Energy and Finance

    • The group aims to develop coordinated solutions to these interlinked crises, with governments, international financial institutions and other key partners.
    • 1] On food, the group is urging all countries to keep markets open, resist hoarding and unjustified and unnecessary export restrictions, and make reserves available to countries at the highest risk of hunger and famine.
    • 2] On energy, the use of strategic stockpiles and additional reserves could help to ease this energy crisis in the short term.
    • But the only medium- and long-term solution is to accelerate the deployment of renewable energy.
    • 3] And on finance, the G20 and international financial institutions must go into emergency mode.
    • They must find ways to increase liquidity and fiscal space, so that governments in developing countries can invest in the poorest and most vulnerable, and in the Sustainable Development Goals.
    •  Social protection, including cash transfers, will be essential to support desperate families through this crisis.
    • But many developing countries with large external debts do not have the liquidity to provide these safety nets.

    Conclusion

    The only lasting solution to the war in Ukraine and its assault on the poorest and most vulnerable people in the world is peace.

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  • Nutrition status and TB risk

    Context

    Historical importance of good nutrition was ignored by the modern therapist who tried to control TB initially with streptomycin injection, isoniazid and para-aminosalisylic acid. In the ecstasy of finding antibiotics killing the germs, the social determinants of disease were ignored.

    Lack of patient-centric TB treatment

    • With more drug arsenals such as rifampicin, ethambutol, pyrazinamide, the fight against TB bacteria continued, which became multidrug resistant.
    • The regimes and the mode of delivery of drugs were changed to plug the loopholes of non-compliance of patients.
    • Blister packs of a multi-drug regime were provided at the doorstep, and the directly observed treatment/therapy (DOT) mechanism set up.
    • Many of the poor discontinued blister-packaged free drugs thinking that these were “hot and strong” drugs not suited for the hunger pains they experienced every night.

    Role of nutrition in dealing with TB

    • India has around 2.8 million active cases. It is a disease of the poor.
    • And the poor are three times less likely to go for treatment and four times less likely to complete their treatment for TB, according to WHO, in 2002.
    • The fact is that 90% of Indians exposed to TB remain dormant if their nutritional status and thereby the immune system, is good. 
    • When the infected person is immunocompromised, TB as a disease manifests itself in 10% of the infected.
    • The 2019 Global TB report identified malnutrition as the single-most associated risk factor for the development of TB, accounting for more cases than four other risks, i.e., smoking, the harmful use of alcohol, diabetes and HIV.
    • The work and the findings of a team at the Jan Swasthya Sahayog hospital at Ganiyari, Bilaspur in Chhattisgarh established the association of poor nutritional status with a higher risk of TB.

    Way forward

    • Chhattisgarh initiated the supply of groundnut, moong dhal and soya oil, and from April 2018, under the Nikshay Poshan Yojana of the National Health Mission.
    • All States began extending cash support of ₹500 per month to TB patients to buy food. This amount needs to be raised.
    • Nutrition education and counselling support: Without simultaneous nutrition education and counselling support, this cash transfer will not have the desired outcome.

    Conclusion

    Food is a guaranteed right for life under the Constitution for all citizens, more so for TB patients. Thus, the goals of reducing the incidence of TB in India and of reducing TB mortality cannot be reached without addressing undernutrition.

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  • Widening data divide between state and citizens

    Context

    While this year’s Economic Survey focuses on improving the quality and quantity of data for better and quicker assessment of the state of the economy, it pays little attention to access to the data by citizens, ignoring the criticality of data for a healthy and informed public discourse on issues of policy relevance.

    Strengthening data architecture

    • The government has been proactively strengthening the data architecture for tackling corruption and better targeting of beneficiaries.
    • Since 2014, the scope of UIDAI has seen a huge expansion.
    • JAM (Jan Dhan-Aadhaar-Mobile) has private details of citizens.
    • The government is sufficiently empowered to collect and use information about its citizens touching all the spheres of their life.
    • Along with traditional instruments such as the Census, sample surveys and registers of various departments, the government is now armed with real-time data.

    Erosion in citizens’ right to access data and widening information gap

    • Delayed release of survey data: The citizen’s right to access relevant data for quality public discussion seems to be gradually eroding.
    •  In this process, the government has refused to hold itself accountable.
    • This is evident from repeated events of delayed release of various survey data.
    • For example, data from the consumption survey 2017-18 has not yet been released.
    •  Similarly, the first Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS 2017-18) was released only after the 2019 general election.
    • Undermining of scientific data: Further, instead of relying on the Annual Survey of Industries (ASI), a systematically designed survey for estimation of industrial sector GDP, the government has started to depend on self-reported, unverified data submitted to the Ministry of Corporate Affairs since 2011.
    • Now that ASI is nearly redundant for official estimation purposes, the future of this database is uncertain.
    • Another example of undermining the scientific database is the delay in the release of Water and Sanitation Survey data 2018. 
    • The information gaps in the area of migration are well documented.
    • Information gap: While the JAM architecture and pandemic induced tracking tools allow for the mapping of individuals, researchers and the civil society do not have access to that information, which is useful to ascertain the level and prevalence of migration across regions within the country.

    Conclusion

    This data divide between the state and its citizens is a potential threat to the smooth functioning of a democracy. Without bridging this data gap, the scope of modern technology for tracking development cannot be realised.

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  • Hate speech

    Context

    Hate speech is at the root of many forms of violence that are being perpetrated and has become one of the biggest challenges to the rule of law and to our democratic conscience.

    Consequences of hate speech

    • Electoral mobilisation along the communal line: One of the most visible consequences of hate speech is increased electoral mobilisation along communal lines which is also paying some electoral dividends.
    •  Hate speech, in itself, must be understood and treated as a violent act and urgently so.
    • With elected members currently sitting in the legislative assemblies and Parliament giving political sanction to citizens mobilised into mob violence and complicit public officials, hate speech is becoming the dominant mode of public political participation. 

    Role of Election Commission

    • In 2019, the Supreme Court reprimanded the Election Commission, calling it “toothless” for not taking action against candidates engaging in hate speech during the election campaigns in UP.
    • The Commission responded by saying that it had limited powers to take action in this matter. 
    • So far, the Supreme Court does not appear to have acted decisively in response to allegations of hate speech in electoral campaigns, indicating that the EC must assume more responsibility and the EC has argued that in matters of hate speech, it is largely “powerless”.
    • In any case, the EC’s role is confined to the election period.

    Legal provisions to deal with hate speech

    • The Indian Penal Code, as per Sections 153A, 295A and 298, criminalises the promotion of enmity between different groups of people on grounds of religion and language, alongside acts that are prejudicial to maintaining communal harmony.
    • Section 125 of the Representation of People Act deems that any person, in connection with the election, promoting feelings of enmity and hatred on grounds of religion and caste is punishable with imprisonment up to three years and fine or both.
    • Section 505 criminalises multiple kinds of speech, including statements made with the intention of inducing, or which are likely to induce, fear or alarm to the public.
    • It covers incitement of violence against the state or another community, as well as promotion of class hatred.

    Recommendations and suggestions

    • The Law Commission in its 267th report published in March 2017, recommended introduction of new provisions within the penal code that specifically punish incitement to violence in addition to the existing ones.
    • Responsibility of Media: In recent years, hate speech in all its varieties has acquired a systemic presence in the media and the internet, from electoral campaigns to everyday life.
    • This epidemic of mediatised hate speech is, in fact, a global phenomenon.
    • According to the Washington Post, 2018 can be considered as “the year of online hate”.

    Conclusion

    Enough damage has been done. We cannot wait another day to address this growing challenge.

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  • Inter-State collaboration to deal with air pollution

    Context

    With the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) governing both Delhi and Punjab, collaboration for clean air should be the mantra for both State governments.

    Impact of air pollution on Delhi and Punjab

    • Punjab is home to nine of the 132 most polluted cities in the country identified by the Central Pollution Control Board.
    • In 2019, Delhi and Punjab together faced economic losses estimated to be approximately ₹18,000 crore due to worsening air pollution.
    • Therefore, by collaborating for clean air, both States can ensure improvements in citizen well-being and labour productivity.

     How can the two States collaborate?

    1] Arrive at a common understanding of sources

    • Those in charge of the two States must talk.
    • Setting aside their disagreements on the contribution of stubble burning to Delhi’s air pollution, the States should arrive at a common understanding of sources polluting the region.

    2] Create platforms for knowledge exchange

    • Cross-learning on possible solutions: A common knowledge centre should be set up to facilitate cross-learning on possible solutions to developmental challenges in both States.
    • Such a centre would especially benefit Punjab given the host of measures that the Delhi government has already taken to improve air quality in Delhi.
    • Information on air quality levels and source assessment studies are critical in developing long-term strategies for pollution mitigation.

    3] Collaborate to execute proven solutions

    • Co-design solutions: The two States could co-design solutions that would improve air quality.
    • Institutionalise a task force: They could jointly institutionalise a task force comprising experts from State-run institutions to pilot these solutions and assess their impact.
    • This would ensure wider acceptance of the proposed solution, which has not been the case in the past.
    • For instance, the PUSA bio-decomposer (developed by the Indian Agricultural Research Institute), has received mixed reviews from farmers.
    • The decomposer only makes sense for early maturing varieties of paddy, as even with the decomposer, stubble would take between 25 to 30 days to decompose.
    • Therefore, it is of little use in high burn districts such as Sangrur, Punjab, where late-maturing paddy varieties are dominant.

    4] Create a market for diversified crop products

    • Moving away from paddy-wheat cycle: Shifting away from the ‘paddy-wheat cycle’ through crop diversification is a sure shot solution to stubble burning.
    • But, the lack of an assured market for agricultural products, other than wheat and paddy, has acted as a deterrent.
    • For years now, the Delhi government has toyed with the idea of introducing ‘Aam Aadmi kitchens’ in Delhi.
    • These community kitchens could potentially incorporate crops other than wheat and paddy in meals offered.

    5] Extending inter-State cooperation to other States in Indo-Gangetic plains

    • Both State governments should assert the need for extending inter-State cooperation to other States in the Indo-Gangetic plains in different inter-State forums.
    • One such forum is the Northern Zonal Council which has representation from Chandigarh, Delhi, Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh.
    • Both Delhi and Punjab must use this platform to highlight the need for coordination with neighbouring States to alleviate the pollution crisis.

    Conclusion

    With a collaborative plan of action, we can be optimistic about cleaner air in the years to come.

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  • Solving India’s idol theft problem

    Context

    Building an inventory of antiquities should be the first step in dealing with the problem.

    Measures taken by the worldwide organisations

    • CAG in its 2013 Report stated that “131 antiquities were stolen from monuments/sites and 37 antiquities from Site Museums from 1981 to 2012″
    • It added that in similar situations, worldwide, organisations took many more effective steps:
    • 1] Checking of catalogues of international auction house(s),
    • 2] Posting news of such theft on websites.
    • 3] Posting information about theft in the International Art Loss Registry.
    • 4] Sending photographs of stolen objects electronically to dealers and auction houses and intimate scholars in the field.
    • Lack of legal provisions: The report also stated that the ASI had never participated or collected information on Indian antiquities put on sale at well-known international auction houses viz. Sotheby’s, Christie’s, etc. as there was no explicit provision in the AAT (Antiquities and Art Treasures) Act, 1972 for doing so.

    International conventions and treaties

    • India is a signatory to the 1970 UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. (We ratified it in 1977).
    • Perhaps we should also sign the 1995 UNIDROIT (International Institute for the Unification of Private Law) Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects.

    Lessons from Italy

    • Italy also suffers and several stolen antiquities have been returned by the US to Italy.
    • That being the case, it shouldn’t be surprising that many best practices originate in Italy.
    • The following list is illustrative.
    • (1) A specific law on protecting cultural heritage, with enhanced penalties;
    • (2) Centralised management before granting authorisation for archaeological research;
    • (3) Specialisation in cultural heritage for public prosecutors;
    • (4) An inter-ministerial committee for recovery and return of cultural objects;
    • (5) MOUs and bilateral agreements with other countries and international organisations to prevent illegal trafficking;
    • (6) Involvement of private organisations and individuals in protection;
    • (7) A complete inventory of moveable and immoveable cultural heritage, with detailed catalogues;
    • (8) Monitoring and inspection of cultural sites; and
    • (9) Centralised granting of export requests.

    Way forward

    • One could say the 2013 CAG Report did a bit of (8), but that was a one-off and isn’t a permanent solution.
    • This isn’t a binary, nor is it possible to accomplish everything overnight. However, incrementally, one can move towards (1), (3), (4), (5), (6), (8) and, especially, (7).
    • We should start with that inventory.

    Conclusion

    While fingers can rightly be pointed at Western museums and auction-houses (this isn’t only about the colonial era), there is internal connivance.

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