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Subject: Conservation & Mitigation

1. Conservation Progs.
2. Worldwide initiatives
3. Mitigation Strategies
4. Conventions and Protocols

  • [1st August 2026] The Hindu OpED: Western Ghats conservation with science and dialogue

    PYQ Relevance
    [UPSC 2024] What role do environmental NGOs and activists play in influencing Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) outcomes for major projects in India? Cite four examples with all important details.
    Linkage: The PYQ tests environmental governance, conservation, and stakeholder participation in ecological decision-making. The Western Ghats ESA debate revolves around environmental regulation, Centre-State coordination, and balancing conservation with local livelihoods.

    Mentor’s Comment

    In July 2026, the fifth draft notification on the Western Ghats Ecologically Sensitive Area (ESA) lapsed, and the Union Environment Ministry extended the expert panel’s tenure by another year. The extension exposes an unresolved conflict between the ecological imperative to protect the Western Ghats’ biodiversity and continued state-level resistance rooted in livelihood and political concerns. Karnataka’s experience illustrates the depth of the trust deficit between conservation authorities and local communities.

    What is The Western Ghats Ecologically Sensitive Area (ESA)?

    1. It is a proposed 56,825.7 sq. km protected zone across six Indian states aimed at safeguarding a vital global biodiversity hotspot from destructive industrial and commercial activities.

    Key Features of the ESA Proposal

    1. Geographical Spread: Spans 56,825.7 sq. km across Karnataka (20,668 sq. km), Maharashtra, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Goa, and Gujarat.
    2. Prohibited Activities: A complete ban on commercial mining, stone quarrying, sand mining, new thermal power plants, highly polluting red-category industries, and large-scale construction.
    3. Safe Activities: Farming, traditional plantations, and day-to-day local livelihoods remain fully protected and unaffected

    Why has consensus on the Western Ghats ESA eluded the Centre and States for over a decade?

    1. WGEEP overreach and rollback: The Gadgil-led Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel recommended ESA status for 142 talukas across 44 districts; state opposition triggered the Kasturirangan-led review, which cut the proposed coverage to 37% of the Western Ghats.
    2. Repeated dilution without resolution: Five draft notifications were issued between 2015 and 2026 without the Centre and States reaching consensus, and each has lapsed in turn. The Union Environment Ministry has reissued, for the seventh time in over a decade, its draft notification proposing an ecologically sensitive area (ESA) across the Western Ghats.
    3. Shift to piecemeal negotiation: A phased or State-wise finalisation clause introduced in the 2024 draft notification signals the Centre’s move away from a single uniform notification.
    4. Uneven state responses: Gujarat and Goa appear to have agreed to finalisation, Maharashtra has sought a fresh review, and discussions with Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu remain ongoing.
    5. Continued institutional deferral: The expert panel headed by Sanjay Kumar has had its tenure extended by a year after the fifth notification’s expiry, keeping the process open-ended.

    Why does Karnataka continue to resist the ESA notification despite the ecological stakes?

    1. Scale of exposure: Karnataka has 10 Western Ghats districts, home to 23.4% of the State’s population, with 20,668 square kilometres identified for ESA declaration.
    2. Political continuity of opposition: Successive Karnataka governments, regardless of party, have opposed the proposal citing its impact on agriculture, plantations, mining and infrastructure.
    3. Rehabilitation ambivalence: Some residents near the Kali Tiger Reserve and Kudremukh National Park have accepted or considered rehabilitation packages, while others expect eventual relocation as village populations decline.
    4. Forest rights friction: Villages with granted forest rights still face restrictions on minor forest produce collection and agriculture, and non-tribal long-term residents have had forest rights claims rejected, including near the Balahalli Reserved Forest.
    5. Selective local support for regulation: Local officials and some communities support restricting environmentally harmful activities such as stone quarrying and unplanned tourism projects, including proposed forest ropeways, showing local opposition is not universal.

    Does reliance on satellite imagery undermine the legitimacy of the ESA demarcation process?

    1. Satellite misclassification concern: Stakeholders across the study districts said satellite imagery cannot distinguish plantation crops such as arecanut, shade-grown coffee, rubber and coconut from natural forest cover.
    2. Absence of ground verification: No committee has physically visited the affected villages, reinforcing the perception of a top-down process.
    3. Historical carryover of restrictions: Communities report facing similar restrictions whenever an area was declared protected even before the WGEEP was constituted, deepening scepticism toward new notifications.
    4. Unaddressed misinformation: Many residents believe buffer zones extend 10 kilometres from core areas and fear eviction, a fear the administration has not addressed through direct engagement.

    Should ecological imperatives override state and local resistance, or does doing so merely shift the conservation burden onto vulnerable communities?

    1. Transboundary ecology argument: Ecological systems do not respect administrative boundaries, so continued delay allows degradation to proceed while States retain control over ecologically critical land.
    2. Political will without local trust: The Union government’s push to finalise the notification reflects conservation intent but bypasses the trust deficit created by a non-transparent demarcation process.
    3. Indigenous communities as omission: The ESA framework has not explicitly included indigenous forest-dwelling communities, whose sustainable practices could support conservation rather than being treated as encroachment.
    4. Risk of biocultural loss: Excluding these communities as legitimate stakeholders risks losing not only their livelihoods but the biocultural diversity their presence sustains.

    Conclusion

    The Western Ghats ESA notification remains suspended not for lack of scientific consensus on ecological sensitivity, but because federal politics and a top-down survey methodology have failed to build local trust. Ecological systems transcend administrative boundaries, making further delay costly, yet the livelihood concerns of forest-dependent and agrarian communities cannot be dismissed as mere obstruction. Resolution requires ground-truthing beyond satellite imagery and the explicit inclusion of indigenous communities as conservation partners rather than regulatory subjects.

    Back2Basics

    Gadgil Committee and Kasturirangan Committee

    Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel (Gadgil Committee) and the High-Level Working Group (Kasturirangan Committee) are two official groups appointed by the Indian government to protect the environment and manage development in the Western Ghats. While Gadgil’s report aimed to declare the entire hill region as sensitive, Kasturirangan’s report reduced that protected area to 37%.

    Gadgil Committee (2011)

    1. Coverage: Labeled 100% of the Western Ghats as an Ecologically Sensitive Area (ESA), split into three strict zones.
    2. Rules: Banned new large dams, mining, and polluting industries in top zones.
    3. Style: Demanded local, bottom-up governance through village bodies (Gram Sabhas).

    Kasturirangan Committee (2013)

    1. Coverage: Labeled only 37% (about 60,000 square kilometers) of the Western Ghats as sensitive.
    2. Rules: Banned mining, quarrying, and thermal power plants in sensitive zones, but allowed some regulated development.
    3. Style: Left human settlements and plantations out of protected zones to support local farmers and people

  • Himachal Farmers Pioneer Sustainable Cultivation of Endangered Herb Kutki

    Why in News?

    Farmers in Mandi, Himachal Pradesh, have adopted a sustainable cultivation model for the endangered medicinal herb Kutki (Picrorhiza kurroa), reducing pressure on wild populations while improving rural livelihoods.

    What is Kutki?

    https://images.openai.com/static-rsc-4/eWJ2ajVfg0zD8mqVFk2bAyran6DbVQWDRMwp849TfVFy-KN1JhXyyDk3rpPBkEE95grNmcLcTJrOfGsKlfbQB7DKDSFiDYJduuI7CMrtuVLDHMvt0KP9aej7jW63DUIpIUlxRvBo5G2gKSlXtTHtdQ-pute8ik196DZec7QgGpKSGuy9WiCmGoGjNwUSJeAo?purpose=fullsize
    • A high-value Himalayan medicinal herb found at 2,700 to 4,500 m altitude.
    • Native to Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim, Nepal and Bhutan.
    • Widely used in Ayurveda for liver and digestive ailments.

    Why is it Endangered?

    • Overharvesting by uprooting the entire plant.
    • Habitat degradation and rising commercial demand.
    • Declining natural populations.

    Sustainable Cultivation Model

    • Developed by the Himalayan Research Group (HRG) under the Department of Science and Technology (DST).
    • Farmers harvest only the stolons (horizontal stems), leaving the mother plant intact.
    • This enables repeated harvesting, conserves the species, and provides a steady source of income.
    • The programme is supported by DST’s Science for Equity, Empowerment and Development (SEED) Division and expanded under the Department of Biotechnology’s Himalayan Bioresource Mission (2022).

    Conservation Status

    • IUCN Red List: Endangered
    • CITES: Appendix II (international trade regulated through permits)

    Prelims Value Added

    • CITES (1973; in force from 1975) regulates international trade in endangered species.
    • Secretariat: Geneva, Switzerland.
    • Appendix I: Commercial trade generally prohibited.
    • Appendix II: Regulated trade.
    • Appendix III: Protected by at least one country seeking international cooperation.

    [2022] With reference to “Gucchi” sometimes mentioned in the news, consider the following statements:
    1. It is a fungus.
    2. It grows in some Himalayan Forest areas.
    3. It is commercially cultivated in the Himalayan foothills of north-eastern India.
    Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

    [A] 1 only

    [B] 3 only

    [C] 1 and 2

    [D] 2 and 3

  • Ken, Betwa and a Line Drawn on Water

    Why in the News:

    Construction of the Rs 44,605 crore Ken Betwa Link Project, India’s first inter basin river transfer project, has entered a decisive phase requiring nearly 2,000 families across 10 villages to be relocated before river diversion can begin. The accelerated rehabilitation process has triggered disputes over eligibility, compensation, and resettlement.

    • Note: An activist ended an 18-day hunger strike after the Madhya Pradesh government agreed to conduct fresh surveys of families allegedly excluded from rehabilitation under the Ken-Betwa Link Project.

    What is the Ken Betwa Link Project, and what does it promise?

    1. Origins and approval: The project was identified by the National Water Development Agency (NWDA), established in 1982. A Feasibility Report was prepared in 1995, the Detailed Project Report (DPR) was agreed upon by Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, and the Centre in 2005, and the Union Cabinet approved the project in December 2021.
    2. Core structure: The project centres on the Daudhan Dam, a 71 metre high dam on the Ken River in Madhya Pradesh with a storage capacity of 2,853 million cubic metres, connected through a 221 km link canal to the Betwa River basin.
    3. Associated works: It also includes the Lower Orr Project, Kotha Barrage, Bina Complex Multipurpose Project, and the restoration of the Ken Canal System in Uttar Pradesh.
    4. Projected benefits: The project is expected to:
      • Irrigate 9.04 lakh hectares across Bundelkhand.
      • Generate 130 MW of hydropower and solar power.
      • Supply 194 million cubic metres of drinking water annually.
    5. Construction status: By February 2026, most heavy machinery had been mobilised, river diversion works had begun, and excavation for the Daudhan Dam foundation was about 70% complete, although the tunnel and Power House II designs remained pending.

    What is the human and ecological cost, and how is it officially being measured?

    1. Submergence scale: The project will submerge around 9,000 hectares, including: 5,258 hectares of forest land, 4,141 hectares of the core Panna Tiger Reserve and Around 2,171 hectares of village land.
    2. Displacement scale: The Resettlement and Rehabilitation (R&R) Plan identifies 1,913 affected families across 10 villages, with a population of 8,339, of whom 33.9% belong to Scheduled Tribes.
    3. Legal precondition: The Environmental Clearance granted by the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC) requires that all rehabilitation and resettlement measures be completed before the project is commissioned.
    4. Compensation formula: Under the September 2023 Madhya Pradesh rehabilitation package:
      • Every adult member of an affected family is entitled to Rs 12.5 lakh.
      • A married couple is treated as a single family unit.
      • Housing assistance ranges from Rs 50,000 to Rs 1.5 lakh.
      • Each family receives a resettlement plot at Kawar Karondiya.
    5. Official disbursement figures:
      • Chhatarpur: About 89% land compensation, 96% asset compensation, and over 96% rehabilitation payments completed.
      • Panna: About 90% land compensation and almost all rehabilitation payments released.

    Why do official completion figures and ground conditions diverge?

    1. Contested demolitions: Demolition of houses in Daudhan village began on May 13, 2026. Officials claim only vacant or already relocated houses were demolished, while residents allege inadequate notice and forced demolition.
    2. Undercounted households: Several residents report that family members were excluded from official surveys, leaving them without compensation despite possessing Aadhaar cards as proof of residence.
    3. Scale of unresolved cases: Officials acknowledge only 30 to 35 pending cases, whereas villagers estimate 100 to 150 people continue living amid partially demolished settlements.
    4. Distress land sales: Families outside the formal acquisition zone are selling land for Rs 2 to 5 lakh per plot, often below market value, amid fears of post monsoon demolitions.

    Does relocation replace what is lost, or only what can be priced?

    1. Uncounted livelihoods: Forest based livelihoods, including mahua, tendu leaves, amla, honey, and fuelwood, supported household incomes but are largely absent from formal compensation assessments.
    2. Resettlement colony shortfalls: The Kawar Karondiya resettlement colony lacks a piped water supply, forcing residents to purchase water tankers or travel long distances for drinking water.
    3. Income collapse: Many households report severe reductions in income. One shopkeeper’s earnings reportedly fell from Rs 5,000 per day to Rs 300 to 400 per day, while some children have left school to support family incomes.
    4. Partial gains: Some resettled families acknowledge improvements such as access to electricity, which was unavailable in their original villages.

    Conclusion:

    The Ken Betwa Link Project illustrates the challenge of balancing large scale infrastructure development, environmental conservation, and social justice. While official compensation figures suggest substantial progress, disputes over eligibility, livelihood loss, and resettlement quality reveal significant implementation gaps. The ultimate test of the project will be whether rehabilitation and resettlement are completed in both letter and spirit before river diversion begins, as required under the Environmental Clearance.

  • The real crisis in Indian fisheries

    Why in the News?

    The Government of India released its latest ocean fisheries assessment on February 11, 2026, claiming most marine fish stocks are sustainable, based on CMFRI data showing 91.1% of evaluated stocks in good health. This optimistic reading is contested by the FAO’s more cautious country profile and by fisheries scientists, who argue the deeper crisis lies in the continuing destruction of India’s inshore benthic ecosystem, not in aggregate stock numbers.

    Why does the government’s claim of largely sustainable marine fisheries not hold up to scrutiny?

    1. Landing-data methodology: CMFRI estimates fish stock availability from what fishers catch. It does not directly assess fish populations at sea.
    2. Catch data as a weak proxy: Catch volume cannot reliably indicate how much aquatic life remains in the sea. Finding shells on a beach does not predict the shell count underwater.
    3. FAO’s contrasting assessment: The FAO’s India country profile states marine fisheries production has plateaued. Most major stocks are already fully exploited.
    4. Unregulated capacity growth: The FAO links this plateau to unregulated fishing access. This access created overcapacity among medium and small trawlers competing for shrinking resources.
    5. Undisclosed procedures: CMFRI’s methodology for classifying stocks as sustainable is not made public. This limits independent verification.
    6. Possible strategic bias: Competitive pressure to match China’s fisheries output may be shaping how India presents its stock data.

    Is overfishing really the central problem facing India’s fisheries?

    1. Reframing the crisis: The more pressing concern is the decline of the inshore benthic environment. Benthic environment, the ecological zone at the seabed where bottom-dwelling organisms live.
    2. Expert consensus on destruction: Fisheries scientists and policymakers have described the inshore fishing environment as destroyed over the past year.
    3. Where productivity concentrates: India’s continental shelf is narrow across most of the coastline. This makes inshore waters the most productive fishing zone.
    4. Overlap of protective zones: Territorial waters within 12 nautical miles largely overlap with this continental shelf. These waters support the breeding of commercially valuable species such as shrimp.
    5. Ground-level testimony: Fishers along the Tamil Nadu coast report consistent declines in catch. Many previously common species have disappeared.

    What is driving the destruction of India’s inshore fishing grounds?

    1. Disrupted nutrient flow: Dams on major rivers block land-based nutrients from reaching the sea. This weakens the coastal food chain.
    2. Mangrove loss: Ongoing destruction of mangroves removes critical breeding habitat for fish.
    3. Multi-source pollution: Industrial, agricultural, and urban pollution enters the sea. This degrades inshore water quality.
    4. Mechanised trawling’s foreign origins: Semi-industrial trawling was introduced to India from abroad around 1960. It has since expanded on a large scale.
    5. Uncontrolled fleet growth: India now operates 64,414 mechanised fishing vessels. There are no restrictions on new entries.
    6. Technological escalation: Existing vessels are being retrofitted with more powerful Chinese engines. This increases their catch capacity further.
    7. Continuous seabed disturbance: Trawlers plough the inshore seabed continuously. This causes a decline in all animal and plant life in heavily trawled zones.

    What limited external reference points does the article offer on managing trawling pressure?

    1. Assessment method abroad: Other fishing nations reportedly rely on direct at-sea stock assessments rather than catch data alone. The article does not name specific countries or institutions.
    2. China as competitive pressure, not model: China is referenced only as a competitor whose fisheries growth may be biasing India’s reporting. It is not presented as an institutional example.
    3. Palk Bay as cross-border conflict: Indian mechanised trawlers cross into Sri Lankan waters in the Palk Bay. This shows domestic overcapacity exporting itself as a bilateral fisheries conflict.

    Why do existing rules meant to protect inshore waters fail in practice?

    1. Toothless zone restriction: Mechanised boats are barred from fishing within 5 nautical miles of shore. This restriction lacks enforcement.
    2. Limited seasonal relief: A two-month annual ban on mechanised boat fishing allows some stock rejuvenation. It does not address year-round degradation.
    3. Patrol capacity gap: Coastal states lack sufficient staff and craft to monitor and enforce inshore fishing boundaries.
    4. Exclusion of fishers from governance: Governments have kept fishers out of management roles. This removes a source of on-ground enforcement and information.
    5. Competing fleets pushed outward: Both small-scale and mechanised fishers are being forced toward offshore and deep-sea zones as inshore waters degrade.

    Does redirecting fishers toward deep-sea fishing resolve the crisis in India’s fisheries?

    1. Government’s proposed shift: The government is encouraging fishers to move toward deep-sea fishing. It views this as untapped potential.
    2. FAO’s caution on deep-sea potential: The FAO estimates deep-sea fishing can deliver only a marginal increase in output. It is not a transformative gain.
    3. New costs imposed on fishers: Shifting to distant waters requires fishers to bear higher fuel and technology expenses.
    4. Root problem left unaddressed: The shift avoids confronting marine pollution and unregulated mechanised trawling. These remain the actual drivers of inshore decline.
    5. Political economy obstacle: Mechanised boat fishers wield disproportionate numeric and political influence. This obstructs reform of inshore management.

    Conclusion

    The government’s sustainability claim rests on landing data, not direct stock assessments, and says nothing about the condition of the inshore seabed itself. The actual crisis lies in the continuing degradation of inshore fishing grounds, driven by an unregulated and politically entrenched mechanised trawling fleet that existing laws cannot enforce against. Redirecting fishers toward deep-sea fishing does not resolve this; it relocates the burden while leaving inshore governance unreformed. Genuine sustainability requires stronger coastal governance, enforceable trawling limits, and empirical assessment of the benthic environment itself.

  • [4th July 2026] The Hindu OpED: Building water security in a rapidly drying India 

    PYQ Relevance[UPSC 2021] How and to what extent would micro-irrigation help in solving India’s water crisis?
    Linkage: The PYQ examines demand-side water management through efficient irrigation to address India’s growing water stress. The editorial argues that India’s water crisis is rooted in governance and inefficient water use, and highlights micro-irrigation, wastewater reuse, climate-resilient infrastructure, and basin-level water accounting as key solutions for achieving long-term water security.

    Mentor’s Comment

    India is witnessing an intensifying water crisis, with major cities facing acute shortages despite the onset of the monsoon. The crisis exposes that water security is fundamentally a governance and infrastructure challenge rather than merely a rainfall deficit, requiring a shift from reactive supply augmentation to resilient water management.

    What has changed in India’s water crisis, and why does it matter now?

    1. Urban water stress: Cities such as Delhi, Bengaluru and Mussoorie are experiencing severe shortages despite annual monsoon cycles.
    2. River basin distress: According to CEEW, 11 of India’s 15 major river basins have fallen below water stress levels, with several approaching water scarcity thresholds.
    3. Groundwater depletion: Aquifers are being extracted beyond sustainable recharge rates, reducing long-term water availability.
    4. Climate variability: Erratic rainfall is increasing floods and droughts simultaneously, making historical rainfall patterns unreliable for planning.
    5. Water insecurity: The crisis has shifted from seasonal shortages to persistent risks affecting households, agriculture, industries and urban economies.
    6. Urban examples: Delhi, Bengaluru and Mussoorie illustrate that even major urban centres are facing recurring water shortages.
    7. Global context: Nearly 4 billion people face severe water scarcity for at least one month every year.

    Why is India’s water crisis fundamentally a governance problem rather than a scarcity problem?

    1. Infrastructure deficit: Poor maintenance, ageing pipelines and inadequate storage reduce effective water availability.
    2. High transmission losses: Significant quantities of treated water are lost before reaching consumers.
    3. Limited wastewater treatment: Large volumes of wastewater remain untreated instead of being recycled.
    4. Weak planning: Investments are rarely guided by climate-risk assessments or basin-level planning.
    5. Data deficiency: Absence of comprehensive water accounting prevents efficient allocation and demand management.
    6. Limited water endowment: India possesses only 4% of the world’s freshwater resources but supports 18% of the global population.
    7. Water scarcity threshold: Several river basins have fallen below 1,000 m³ of water availability per person per year, indicating water scarcity.

    Why must climate resilience become the foundation of future water infrastructure?

    1. Risk-based planning: Climate-risk assessments should guide investments in reservoirs, pipelines and urban water systems.
    2. Protecting critical infrastructure: Water planning should prioritise hospitals, schools, electricity networks and other essential services.
    3. Localised assessment: Urban Local Bodies and Panchayats require climate-risk mapping suited to local conditions.
    4. Targeted financing: Mechanisms such as the Urban Challenge Fund can finance resilient water infrastructure projects.
    5. Preventive investment: Building resilience before disasters is more cost-effective than post-crisis reconstruction.

    Why is demand-side management more important than expanding water supply?

    1. Wastewater reuse: Treated wastewater should replace freshwater for industrial and non-potable urban uses.
    2. Circular water economy: Recycling reduces freshwater extraction and improves long-term sustainability.
    3. Micro-irrigation: Drip and sprinkler systems significantly improve irrigation efficiency.
    4. Crop diversification: Farmers should shift towards less water-intensive and higher-value crops where feasible.
    5. Risk protection: Affordable crop insurance encourages farmers to adopt climate-resilient agricultural practices.

    Why can technology strengthen water governance only if supported by institutional reforms?

    1. Smart metering: Digital meters improve monitoring of water consumption and reduce leakages.
    2. Artificial Intelligence: AI can detect distribution losses and optimise water supply networks.
    3. Water accounting: Basin-level measurement of withdrawals, losses and consumption enables evidence-based allocation.
    4. Transparency: Reliable public data discourages over-extraction and improves accountability.
    5. Institutional capacity: Technology succeeds only when supported by capable local institutions and effective governance.

    Conclusion

    India’s water crisis reflects a failure of governance rather than a failure of rainfall. Climate-resilient infrastructure, efficient water reuse, demand-side management and transparent data systems must replace the traditional focus on expanding water supply. Water security will ultimately depend on treating water as a managed economic and ecological resource rather than an unlimited public good.

  • Salt Marsh Restoration on Oléron Island

    Why in News?

    The revival of the traditional salt harvesting profession on Oléron Island, France, is gaining attention as restored salt marshes help protect coastal areas from the increasing impacts of climate change, especially marine flooding.

    Key Highlights

    • The profession of salt worker disappeared from Oléron Island in the 1980s but has been revived with support from local authorities.
    • Salt marshes are being restored not only for salt production but also as a nature-based solution for climate adaptation.
    • These marshes act as buffer zones, reducing the impact of coastal flooding and storm surges.
    • Climate change has increased the frequency and intensity of marine flooding, making coastal ecosystem restoration increasingly important.

    What are Salt Marshes?

    • Salt marshes are coastal wetlands found in the intertidal zone between land and sea.
    • They are regularly flooded by seawater during high tides.
    • They are dominated by salt-tolerant (halophytic) vegetation such as grasses, sedges, and shrubs.
    • Salt marshes commonly occur in estuaries, lagoons, deltas, and sheltered coastlines.

    Ecological Importance

    • Act as natural buffers, reducing the impact of storm surges and coastal erosion.
    • Absorb and store excess floodwater, lowering flood risks.
    • Trap sediments and improve water quality.
    • Serve as breeding and nursery grounds for fish, crustaceans, and migratory birds.
    • Store large amounts of blue carbon, helping mitigate climate change.

    What is Blue Carbon?

    • Blue carbon refers to carbon captured and stored by coastal and marine ecosystems such as: Mangroves, Salt marshes, and Seagrass meadows
    • These ecosystems sequester carbon in both vegetation and underlying sediments for long periods.

    Threats to Salt Marshes

    • Coastal development and land reclamation.
    • Sea level rise due to climate change.
    • Pollution and eutrophication.
    • Conversion for agriculture and aquaculture.
    • Alteration of natural tidal flows.

    Relevance for India

    • India has significant coastal wetlands, including mangroves, salt marshes, mudflats, and seagrass meadows, which play a crucial role in coastal protection and climate resilience.
    • Restoration of these ecosystems supports India’s commitments under the Ramsar Convention, National Coastal Mission, and climate adaptation strategies.

    [2021] What is blue carbon?

    [A] Carbon captured by oceans and coastal ecosystems

    [B] Carbon sequestered in forest biomass and agricultural soils

    [C] Carbon contained in petroleum and natural gas

    [D] Carbon present in atmosphere

  • White-rumped Vulture Electrocuted in Mudumalai

    Why in the news?

    A radio-tagged, captive-bred White-rumped Vulture released in Mudumalai Tiger Reserve (Tamil Nadu) was electrocuted after coming into contact with a power line, marking the failure of the first reintroduction attempt of a captive-bred bird into the landscape.

    White-rumped Vulture (Gyps bengalensis)

    • Scientific name: Gyps bengalensis
    • IUCN Status: Critically Endangered
    • Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972: Schedule I
    • CITES: Appendix II
    • Distribution: India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan. In South India, Mudumalai Tiger Reserve hosts one of the last viable breeding populations.

    Why are White-rumped Vultures Declining?

    • Veterinary use of Diclofenac, causing kidney failure.
    • Electrocution from power lines.
    • Collision with transmission lines.
    • Poisoning from contaminated carcasses.
    • Habitat degradation and food scarcity.

    [2017] In India, if a species of tortoise is declared protected under Schedule I of the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, what does it imply?

    [A] It enjoys the same level of protection as the tiger.

    [B] It no longer exists in the wild, a few individuals are under captive protection; and not it is impossible to prevent its extinction.

    [C] It is endemic to a particular region of India.

    [D] Both (b) and (c) stated above are correct in this context.

  • World Day to Combat Desertification and Drought 2026

    Why in the news?

    The World Day to Combat Desertification and Drought (17 June) was celebrated across 813 project areas under the WDC–PMKSY 2.0 (Watershed Development Component of Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayee Yojana 2.0).

    WDC–PMKSY 2.0

    • Implemented by the Department of Land Resources (DoLR) under the Ministry of Rural Development (MoRD).
    • Focuses on:
      • Soil and water conservation.
      • Restoration of degraded lands.
      • Enhancing resilience of rainfed agriculture.
      • Sustainable watershed development.

    Major Interventions

    • Check dams, Percolation tanks, Farm ponds, Water harvesting and groundwater recharge structures

    Key Outcomes

    • Improved water availability in rainfed areas.
    • Enables second and third crop cultivation.
    • Enhances farmers’ income and livelihood security.
    • Strengthens drought resilience and climate adaptation.

    Activities Conducted

    • Bhoomi Poojan of 1,444 new watershed development works.
    • Lokarpan (Inauguration) of 8,341 completed watershed assets.
    • Plantation of 51,299 saplings under “Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam” campaign.
    • Public pledge: “For a Developed India, Let Us Build a Drought-Free India.”

    Significance

    • Promotes community-led land and water conservation.
    • Supports land restoration, water security, and climate resilience.
    • Contributes to sustainable rural development and combating desertification.

    [2016] What is/are the importance/importances of the ‘United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification’?

    1. It aims to promote effective action through innovative national programmes and supportive international partnerships.

    2. It has a special focus on South Asia and North Africa regions, and its Secretariat facilitates allocation of major portions of financial resources to these regions.

    3. It is committed to a bottom-up approach, encouraging participation of local people in combating desertification.

    A 1 only

    B 2 and 3 only

    C 1 and 3 only

    D 1, 2 and 3

  • Five solutions Indian cities need, to stop fighting for water week after week

    Why in the News?

    Major Indian cities such as Delhi, Chennai, Bengaluru and Hyderabad experienced severe water shortages in the summer of 2026. India’s urban water crises persist not because cities lack water sources, but because governance continues to prioritize creating new supplies over fixing leakages, regulating groundwater, managing demand, ensuring transparency, and reusing wastewater. The problem is not a knowledge deficit; it is an execution deficit.

    Why have seasonal water shortages evolved into a chronic urban governance crisis?

    1. Recurring Emergencies: Urban water emergencies have become a regular feature rather than an exceptional summer event
    2. Widespread Impact: Similar shortages were reported across Delhi, Chennai, Bengaluru and Hyderabad.
    3. Severe Scarcity: In parts of New Delhi, large families survived on a single 20-litre water can per day.
    4. Emergency Dependence: Delhi Jal Board deployed more than 1,000 tankers to manage shortages.
    5. Systemic Failure: Long queues, tanker dependence, anxiety and protests indicate structural weaknesses rather than temporary disruptions.
    6. Persistent Vulnerability: The same pattern repeats every year despite advance awareness of summer demand pressures.

    Why are cities becoming more water-insecure despite having access to multiple water sources?

    1. Multiple Sources: Cities obtain water from reservoirs, groundwater and interconnected supply systems.
    2. Groundwater Depletion: Urban populations extract groundwater faster than aquifers can naturally replenish.
    3. Local Buffer Erosion: Rivers, lakes and ponds that previously moderated water stress have deteriorated.
    4. Encroachment: Urban water bodies have been occupied and degraded by expanding settlements.
    5. Infrastructure Decay: Existing supply networks suffer from leakages and maintenance deficits.
    6. Demand Expansion: Rapid urbanisation has increased consumption beyond the capacity of existing systems.

    How does climate variability expose weaknesses that already exist in urban water systems?

    1. Dual Extremes: Cities increasingly experience floods and droughts within the same annual cycle.
    2. Reduced Absorptive Capacity: Encroached lakes and ponds cannot absorb excess rainfall effectively.
    3. Reduced Storage Capacity: Urban ecosystems cannot retain water for future use.
    4. Illustrative Example: Bengaluru experienced flooding after intense rains and tanker dependence a few weeks later.
    5. Infrastructure Stress: Climate shocks reveal weaknesses that already exist in water governance systems.
    6. Declining Resilience: Urban water systems have lost their capacity to absorb environmental fluctuations.

    Why does the crisis persist even when cities know what the problem is?

    1. Execution Deficit: Policymakers understand the causes of water stress but fail to implement corrective measures consistently.
    2. Maintenance Neglect: Authorities search for new sources instead of repairing existing systems.
    3. Regulatory Weakness: Groundwater extraction remains inadequately regulated and enforced.
    4. Institutional Fragmentation: Urban planning, water supply and wastewater management operate in separate administrative silos.
    5. Policy Bias: Infrastructure expansion receives greater attention than system efficiency.
    6. Short-Term Responses: Crisis management frequently substitutes for long-term planning.

    How can Indian cities shift from crisis-driven water management to long-term urban water security?

    SolutionKey Measures SuggestedProblem Addressed
    Transparent Emergency PlanningPrepare city-level water emergency plans; identify vulnerable areas; publicly disclose supply schedules, duration of shortages and distribution plans; provide regular updates.Panic, uncertainty, poor crisis management and lack of public trust.
    Recover Water Already AvailableDetect and repair leakages; conduct ward-level audits; reduce Non-Revenue Water (NRW); set targets for loss reduction.Massive distribution losses; article notes nearly 30% of water is lost before reaching consumers.
    Demand Management and ConservationConduct water audits in campuses and commercial complexes; repair internal leaks; restrict non-essential consumption during peak months; promote community-led conservation.Rising urban demand, wastage and unsustainable consumption patterns.
    Equity-Centred Emergency ResponseRegulate tanker supply and pricing; ensure minimum water access for vulnerable groups; provide temporary treatment support; spread awareness on safe storage and usage.Unequal access, exploitation during shortages and disproportionate burden on low-income households.
    Wastewater Reuse and Sewerage ReformUpgrade sewage treatment plants; improve aeration, de-weeding and desludging; reduce sewer leakages; recycle treated wastewater; support groundwater recharge.Water pollution, untreated wastewater discharge and underutilisation of recycled water.

    Is the real challenge water scarcity or the absence of transparent and accountable management?

    1. Information Deficit: Residents often receive little information regarding duration, frequency and extent of supply disruptions.
    2. Uncertainty Costs: Lack of communication increases panic, rumours and public distrust.
    3. Emergency Planning Gap: Cities lack clear and publicly available water emergency plans.
    4. Vulnerability Mapping: Authorities rarely identify the most affected neighbourhoods before crises emerge.
    5. Public Accountability: Regular public updates improve trust and strengthen compliance with conservation measures.
    6. Governance Failure: Scarcity becomes more disruptive when management systems fail to communicate and coordinate effectively.

    Why does recovering lost water offer greater returns than creating new water sources?

    1. Non-Revenue Water: Nearly 30% of water is lost before reaching consumers.
    2. Leakage Reduction: Repairing pipelines immediately increases available supply.
    3. Cost Efficiency: Water recovery is often cheaper than developing new infrastructure.
    4. Targeted Audits: Authorities can identify high-loss zones through local leak detection exercises.
    5. Virtual Source Creation: Saved water functions as a new source without requiring new extraction.
    6. Supply Reliability: Efficient distribution reduces dependence on emergency tanker operations.

    Why must urban water policy shift from supply augmentation to demand management?

    1. Large Consumers: Campuses and commercial complexes consume significant volumes of urban water.
    2. Water Audits: Internal audits can identify avoidable wastage.
    3. Basic Maintenance: Leak repairs generate substantial water savings.
    4. Consumption Norms: Cities should establish clear limits during peak-demand months.
    5. Community Participation: Resident welfare groups can promote conservation practices.
    6. Behavioural Change: Demand reduction lowers pressure on stressed water systems.
    7. Non-Essential Use Restrictions: Limiting discretionary consumption preserves supplies during emergencies.

    Why does equitable crisis management matter as much as water availability?

    1. Distributional Justice: Water shortages disproportionately affect low-income households.
    2. Tanker Regulation: Authorities must regulate tanker pricing and distribution.
    3. Basic Water Security: Emergency systems should guarantee minimum water access.
    4. Temporary Treatment Support: Areas facing contamination require interim treatment facilities.
    5. Safe Storage Communication: Public guidance reduces health risks during shortages.
    6. Equity Imperative: Urban water security depends on access as much as availability.

    Why is wastewater reuse the missing link in urban water security?

    1. Resource Recovery: Treated wastewater can augment urban water supplies.
    2. Plant Optimisation: Existing treatment plants require improved operational efficiency.
    3. Aeration Improvement: Better aeration increases treatment effectiveness.
    4. De-Weeding: Removal of excess vegetation improves plant performance.
    5. Desludging: Regular desludging enhances treatment capacity.
    6. Pollution Reduction: Improved treatment lowers contamination levels.
    7. Groundwater Recharge: Cleaner wastewater supports aquifer replenishment.
    8. Sewerage Integrity: Leak detection prevents contamination and water quality deterioration.

    Conclusion

    India’s urban water crisis reflects a governance failure more than a resource shortage. Cities already possess the technical knowledge required to address leakages, groundwater depletion, excessive demand and wastewater mismanagement. Water security requires a shift from emergency tanker-driven responses to transparent planning, institutional accountability and efficient management of existing resources.

    UPSC Relevance

    [UPSC 2023] Why is the world today confronted with a crisis of availability of and access to freshwater resources?

    Linkage: PYQ examines the structural causes behind freshwater scarcity and unequal access, which lie at the core of India’s recurring urban water crises. The article argues that urban water shortages stem not merely from inadequate water availability but from multiple reasons.

  • Odisha’s Groundwater Revival under ‘Jal Sanchay, Jan Bhagidari’

    Why in News?

    Odisha has emerged as a model for community-led groundwater conservation under the initiative ‘Jal Sanchay, Jan Bhagidari’, transforming monsoon rainfall into a sustainable source of groundwater recharge through rooftop rainwater harvesting and aquifer recharge structures.

    What is ‘Jal Sanchay, Jan Bhagidari’?

    • A nationwide approach promoting: Water conservation through people’s participation.
    • Based on the principle of “Whole of Government, Whole of Society.”
    • Encourages Community ownership, Scientific water management, and Rainwater harvesting.

    Objective

    • Recharge groundwater aquifers.
    • Improve water security.
    • Build resilience against future water stress.
    • Promote sustainable use of water resources.

    Odisha’s Groundwater Recharge Strategy

    • The State captures rainwater where it falls and channels it into underground aquifers through Rooftop Rainwater Harvesting
    • Rainwater collected from: Schools, Colleges, Government offices, Institutional buildings, is filtered and directed into recharge wells.
    • Recharge Structures in Water Bodies: Ponds, Tanks, Community water bodies, allowing excess monsoon runoff to percolate underground.

    CHHATA Scheme

    • Focuses on Rooftop Rainwater Harvesting Systems (RRHS).
    • Implements recharge systems in institutional buildings.

    Functions

    • Collection of rooftop runoff.
    • Filtration of rainwater.
    • Recharge of groundwater through bore wells.

    Benefits

    • Improves groundwater levels.
    • Reduces seasonal water shortages.
    • Supports urban groundwater revival.

    ARUA Scheme

    • About: Facilitates groundwater recharge through ponds and tanks.
    • Construction of Recharge Shafts.

    Functions

    • Diverts surplus surface runoff.
    • Enhances deep aquifer recharge.
    • Reduces loss of monsoon water.

    [2022] Which one of the following has been constituted under the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986?

    [A] Central water Commission

    [B] Central Ground Water Board

    [C] Central Ground Water Authority

    [D] National Water Development Agency