PYQ Relevance:
[UPSC 2017] China is using its economic relations and positive trade surplus as tools to develop potential military power status in Asia’, In the light of this statement, discuss its impact on India as her neighbor.
Linkage: China’s economic relations to its strategic power status in Asia and asks about the impact on India, which aligns with the broader implications of China’s growing regional influence discussed in the source. |
Mentor’s Comment: Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to Vietnam, Malaysia, and Cambodia from April 14-18, 2025, aimed to present China as the most reliable partner in the region. With a 145% tariff on Chinese goods imposed by the Trump administration, China is rethinking its foreign trade strategies, particularly with countries in Southeast Asia where it has strong ties and supportive partners. This visit is not just regular diplomacy but a strategic move by China to ease economic pressure, show stability, and strengthen its leadership role in the Indo-Pacific region.
The editorial today analyzes Chinese President Xi Jinping’s recent visit to Vietnam, Malaysia, and Cambodia. This analysis can help in understanding the broader dynamics of China’s foreign policy and its impact on international relations, which is relevant for GS Paper 2 in the UPSC exam.
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Let’s learn!
Why in the News?
Beijing’s efforts to engage with Southeast Asia could make it harder for the U.S. to form a coalition aimed at isolating or limiting China economically.
What was the aim of Xi Jinping’s Southeast Asia tour?
- Counter U.S. Economic Pressure and Protectionism: In response to the 145% tariff on Chinese exports by the Trump administration, China used the tour to strengthen trade ties with receptive Southeast Asian partners like Vietnam, Malaysia, and Cambodia.
- Position China as a Stable and Reliable Partner in the Indo-Pacific: Xi signed 45 agreements with Vietnam and over 30 with Malaysia, showcasing China’s willingness to invest in digital economy, AI, agriculture, and infrastructure — directly contrasting U.S. policies perceived as protectionist or security-centric.
- Promote China’s Regional Leadership and Soft Power: Xi emphasized non-interference, cultural ties, and the Belt and Road Initiative, including major projects like the Funan Techo Canal in Cambodia, to build a “community with a shared future” and present China as the regional leader.
Why is Southeast Asia key to China’s trade strategy?
- Buffer Against U.S. Trade Pressures: As the U.S. imposes tariffs (e.g., 145% on Chinese exports under Trump), China needs trade partners less influenced by Washington. Eg: Cambodia, Vietnam, and Malaysia are not aligned with U.S. protectionism and offer alternate trade routes.
- Alternative Manufacturing Base: Rising labor costs and export restrictions push China to shift low-cost manufacturing to nearby countries. Eg: Many Chinese firms are investing in Vietnamese and Malaysian industrial parks as part of their “China Plus One” strategy.
- Gateway to Regional Supply Chains: Southeast Asia is integrated into global value chains and is a key node in East Asian manufacturing. Eg: The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) links China with ASEAN, allowing tariff-free trade on many goods.
- Diplomatic and Economic Receptiveness: ASEAN countries are generally open to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and infrastructure investment. Eg: The Funan Techo Canal in Cambodia, funded by China, improves logistics and deepens economic ties.
- Market Expansion and Political Influence: Growing middle classes and urbanization offer long-term markets for Chinese goods and services. Eg: Digital economy and AI agreements with Malaysia expand Chinese tech firms’ reach while strengthening bilateral ties.
Which agreements were signed with Vietnam, Malaysia, and Cambodia?
- Vietnam – Strategic and Economic Deepening: China and Vietnam signed 45 cooperation agreements covering infrastructure, trade, connectivity, and border management. Eg: Agreements included railway connectivity, digital economy initiatives, and boosting cross-border trade.
- Malaysia – Tech and Economic Collaboration: Over 30 agreements were signed focusing on the digital economy, artificial intelligence, agriculture, and infrastructure. Eg: MoUs on AI cooperation, palm oil trade, and joint development of industrial parks were key highlights.
- Cambodia – Investment and Infrastructure Expansion: China reaffirmed its role as Cambodia’s largest investor and trading partner, with a focus on large-scale infrastructure projects. Eg: The Funan Techo Canal project was a major outcome, seen as a symbol of deepened strategic and economic ties.
How does China’s approach differ from the U.S. in the region?
- Economic Diplomacy vs. Security-Centric Strategy: China emphasizes infrastructure, trade, and investment, while the U.S. often leads with security alliances and military cooperation. Eg: China’s Belt and Road projects (like the Funan Techo Canal in Cambodia) contrast with U.S.-led initiatives like AUKUS and the Quad.
- Non-Interference vs. Value-Based Engagement: China promotes a policy of non-interference and economic cooperation without imposing political conditions. The U.S. ties engagement to democracy, human rights, and strategic alignment. Eg: China’s warm ties with Cambodia, despite its authoritarian governance, contrast with U.S. criticism of its human rights record.
- Tangible Deliverables vs. Abstract Frameworks: China offers clear economic incentives (like market access and investments), while U.S. initiatives often lack concrete trade benefits. Eg: China signs dozens of bilateral agreements; the U.S.’s Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) has been criticized for lacking market access.
What could be the impact on India?
- Strategic Space Shrinkage in Southeast Asia: As China deepens ties with ASEAN countries, India may find it harder to expand its influence in the region. Eg: Vietnam engaging with China despite maritime tensions may dilute India’s strategic partnership with Hanoi.
- Competitive Pressure on Infrastructure and Trade Diplomacy: China’s aggressive investment through BRI challenges India’s outreach via initiatives like the Act East Policy or Mekong–Ganga Cooperation. Eg: China’s infrastructure push in Cambodia (e.g., Funan Techo Canal) may overshadow India’s developmental efforts in the region.
- Risk of Regional Economic Isolation: Closer China-ASEAN integration may sideline India from key trade and supply chains unless it accelerates its economic engagement. Eg: India’s exit from RCEP and China’s expanding trade deals with ASEAN may reduce India’s leverage in setting regional economic norms.
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Way forward:
- Strengthen Economic and Infrastructure Diplomacy: India should deepen its engagement with Southeast Asia through large-scale infrastructure projects, trade agreements, and digital economy initiatives to compete with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Eg: Focusing on improving connectivity, like the India-Myanmar-Thailand trilateral highway, and enhancing regional supply chains could help.
- Foster Strategic Partnerships and Multilateral Cooperation: India should prioritize strengthening its strategic ties with ASEAN countries through multilateral platforms like the East Asia Summit (EAS) and the Quad, focusing on security and regional stability. Eg: India must increase its participation in economic partnerships to counter China’s growing influence.
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Why in the News?
The Centre’s decision to include caste data in the next national Census is a significant change for the ruling BJP, as it goes against their earlier stance on the issue.
What prompted the government to shift its stance and include caste enumeration in the next Census?
- Electoral Setback Due to Perception of Anti-Reservation Agenda: Calls for constitutional overhaul and earlier statements questioning caste-based reservations created fear among backward communities about erosion of their rights. Eg: The lack of a clear electoral majority in the 2024 general elections was partly attributed to concerns among OBC and Dalit communities.
- Rising Political Demand and Ground Realities in Key States: Increasing public support for caste enumeration, especially in socially diverse states, compelled the government to reconsider its position. Eg: With state elections approaching and widespread demand for a caste census, continuing opposition risked alienating a significant voter base.
- Pressure from Social Justice Movements and Civil Society: Growing civil society activism and calls for greater transparency in the distribution of benefits made it difficult to ignore the demand for a caste count. Eg: Public discussions on expanding reservations and ensuring proportional representation intensified the push for a data-driven approach.
Why is there growing concern about the political implications of a caste census, especially in Bihar?
- Impact on OBC and Dalit Mobilization: A caste census could provide more accurate data on the representation of OBCs and Dalits, leading to demands for more targeted reservations and welfare programs. Eg: In Bihar, where caste-based politics has been historically influential, a caste census could alter the political calculus by intensifying demands for more affirmative action.
- Electoral Strategy and Vote Bank Politics: Political parties in Bihar may try to exploit caste-based data to attract specific voter segments, resulting in increased polarization. Eg: In Bihar, caste-based mobilization has historically influenced election results, and any shift in data could be used to either strengthen or disrupt existing political alliances.
- Social Tensions and Division: The caste census may exacerbate social divisions, particularly in a state like Bihar, where caste identities play a significant role in shaping societal relations and political behavior. Eg: Tensions may rise between communities if the census results challenge current power dynamics, leading to potential unrest and further fragmentation within society.
How have national political parties historically approached caste-based policies?
- Ambivalence and Opposition to Caste-Based Politics: Initially, national parties were reluctant to fully embrace caste-based policies, viewing them as divisive. This led to a more generic approach focused on broader social and economic justice. Eg: The Congress party, traditionally seen as the party of social justice, was hesitant to fully adopt caste-based policies until the 1990s, when it started advocating for the inclusion of OBCs and Dalits.
- Shift Towards Inclusivity and Affirmative Action: Over time, national parties, particularly the Congress and BJP, began adopting affirmative action policies, such as reservations, to address caste-based inequities and broaden their electoral base. Eg: In the 1990s, after the Mandal Commission report, both Congress and BJP supported the implementation of OBC reservations to gain support from OBC communities, especially in states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.
- Caste-Based Mobilization for Electoral Gains: National parties have increasingly used caste-based mobilization as a tool to win elections, though they often avoid explicitly acknowledging it, relying on coalition politics instead. Eg: The BJP, after initially distancing itself from caste politics, has adapted by incorporating OBCs into its fold, as seen in its strategy in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, leading to its dominance in the 2014 and 2019 general elections.
When was the last comprehensive caste census conducted in India?
- The Last Comprehensive Caste Census: The last detailed caste census in India was conducted in 1931 during British rule, which included data on various social groups, castes, and tribes.
- Post-Independence Efforts: Since then, India has not conducted a comprehensive caste census. However, caste data has been collected through surveys like the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) in 2011, though it was not as detailed as the one in 1931.
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Way forward:
- Ensure Data Privacy and Equity in Implementation: A caste census should be conducted with strict guidelines to ensure data privacy and avoid misuse, ensuring that it is used only for policy planning and affirmative action rather than political exploitation.
- Strengthen Social Welfare Mechanisms Based on Census Data: The government should leverage the caste census data to create targeted social welfare programs that address the needs of backward communities without exacerbating social divisions.
Mains PYQ:
[UPSC 2024] Despite comprehensive policies for equity and social justice, underprivileged sections are not yet getting the full benefits of affirmative action envisaged by the Constitution. Comment.
Linkage: The core issue that a caste census, as discussed in the article, aims to potentially improve: ensuring that underprivileged sections receive the intended benefits of affirmative action and social justice policies.
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Why in the News?
Private Member’s Bills (PMBs) allow Members of Parliament (MPs) who are not ministers to suggest their own laws. In India, most laws are brought by the government and are prepared by different ministries.
What are Private Member’s Bills (PMBs)?
- PMBs are legislative proposals introduced by Members of Parliament who are not Ministers (i.e., private members). These bills reflect the individual MP’s views or address constituency needs rather than the government’s official stance.
- In 2019, Supriya Sule (NCP) introduced the Right to Disconnect Bill in the Lok Sabha, which aimed to give employees the legal right to not engage in work-related communication after office hours. Though not passed, it sparked national debate on work-life balance and mental health.
How do they differ from government bills in the Indian parliamentary system?
| Feature |
Private Member’s Bill (PMB) |
Government Bill |
| Introduced by |
Any MP who is not a minister |
Introduced by a Minister |
| Drafted by |
Individual MP or external inputs |
Concerned Ministry |
| Schedule |
Usually taken up on Fridays |
Prioritized in regular business hours |
| Chances of passing |
Very low; often symbolic |
High; backed by ruling party |
| Party mandate |
MPs have greater freedom |
Ministers follow cabinet decisions |
Why has the significance of Private Member’s Bills declined in recent Lok Sabha sessions?
- Frequent Disruptions and Adjournments: Parliamentary proceedings are often disrupted, especially on Fridays (earmarked for PMBs), reducing the time available for meaningful discussion. Eg: In the winter session, two Fridays were lost to disruptions.
- Government Business Prioritised: The government frequently uses Fridays for its own legislative agenda, sidelining private members’ time. Eg: In the Budget Session, the first Friday was used for discussion on the Union Budget instead of PMBs.
- Low Discussion Rate: Despite hundreds of PMBs being introduced, only a handful are ever discussed or debated in the House. Eg: Of the 729 PMBs introduced in the 17th Lok Sabha, only two were discussed.
- Symbolic Rather than Substantive: PMBs are increasingly viewed as symbolic acts with little legislative impact, deterring MPs from actively pursuing them.
- Lack of Institutional Support: No dedicated mechanism exists to screen, prioritise, or fast-track relevant PMBs, unlike government bills which have bureaucratic and legal backing. Eg: The ‘Right to Disconnect’ Bill by Supriya Sule sparked debate but saw no legislative progress due to lack of structured support.
How can reforms strengthen the PMB process?
- Protect Time for PMBs as Sacrosanct: Amend rules to ensure that Fridays (or designated hours) reserved for PMBs cannot be overridden, except during national emergencies. Eg: Ensuring uninterrupted PMB discussion time would prevent situations like the Budget Session, where government business took over private members’ time.
- Introduce a Review and Prioritisation Mechanism: Create a dedicated committee to screen PMBs for quality, relevance, and constitutionality, and prioritise those with cross-party or public support. Eg: A fast-track mechanism could have helped advance Tiruchi Siva’s ‘Rights of Transgender Persons’ Bill, which ultimately influenced the 2019 law.
- Adopt the UK’s Ten-Minute Rule Model: Allow MPs to introduce and explain PMBs in brief speeches, increasing visibility and legislative input without demanding long debate time. Eg: This could help bring forward more unconventional yet important ideas like the ‘Right to Disconnect’ Bill by Supriya Sule.
Way forward:
- Institutionalise Support Mechanisms: Establish a dedicated PMB committee and research support system to assist MPs in drafting robust, impactful bills.
- Ensure Legislative Space and Time: Legally safeguard specific hours or days for PMB discussions to encourage meaningful debate and democratic participation.
Mains PYQ:
[UPSC 2014] The role of individual MPs (Members of Parliament) has diminished over the years and as a result healthy constructive debates on policy issues are not usually witnessed. How far can this be attributed to the anti-defection law, which was legislated but with a different intention?
Linkage: This explicitly states that Private Member’s Bills are one of the few remaining avenues for individual MPs to suggest constructive policy alternatives, and that the effectiveness of such mechanisms for independent legislative action by MPs has been curtailed, partly due to the unintended effects of the Anti-Defection Law.
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Why in the News?
The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs has approved an increase in the Fair and Remunerative Price (FRP) of sugarcane for the 2025-26 sugar season, raising it from ₹340 per quintal to ₹355 per quintal.
About Fair and Remunerative Price (FRP):
- The FRP for sugarcane is set under the Sugarcane Control Order, 1966.
- It replaced the Statutory Minimum Price (SMP) in 2009-10 to better align with economic conditions and improve farmers’ welfare.
- It represents the minimum price sugar mills must pay to farmers for sugarcane.
- It is determined by the central government based on Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP) recommendations, with discussions involving state authorities and sugar industry associations.
- Factors Influencing FRP:
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- Cost of production: ₹173 per quintal for 2025-26.
- Return from alternative crops: Comparison of potential earnings from other crops.
- Consumer sugar prices: Affects sugar production costs.
- Sale price of sugar: Influences the FRP.
- Sugarcane-to-sugar recovery rate: Efficiency of conversion.
- Income from by-products: Including molasses and bagasse.
- Profit margins for farmers: Ensures financial viability.
- State Agreed Price (SAP): States can set SAP, often higher than the FRP, based on local conditions.
- Minimum Selling Price (MSP) for sugar was introduced in 2018 to protect farmers, including FRP and conversion costs.
Sugarcane Cultivation in India:
- Sugarcane is India’s highest production-value crop, key for producing sugar, jaggery, and khan sari.
- Major states: Uttar Pradesh (contributes 50% of total production), Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, and Andhra Pradesh.
- Sugarcane thrives in a tropical climate (21°C – 27°C), with 75%-150% rainfall. It needs well-drained soil and a cool, dry winter for ripening.
- India has the largest global sugarcane cultivation area after Brazil.
- The ratooning method reduces costs by allowing a second crop from the same roots.
| [UPSC 2015] The Fair and Remunerative Price (FRP) of sugarcane is approved by the:
Options: (a) Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs* (b) Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (c) Directorate of Marketing and Inspection, Ministry of Agriculture (d) Agricultural Produce Market Committee |
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Why in the News?
The Supreme Court has ruled that inclusive and meaningful Digital Access to e-governance and welfare systems is a part of the Fundamental Right to Life and Liberty under Article 21 of the Indian Constitution.
Key Highlights of the Judgment:
- Inclusive Digital Access: The Court ruled on April 30, 2025, that access to e-governance and welfare systems is a fundamental right under Article 21, requiring inclusive digital ecosystems, especially for marginalised groups.
- Focus on KYC Processes: It issued 20 directions to make digital KYC processes more accessible for acid attack survivors and the visually impaired.
- Digital Divide: It recognised the digital divide as a constitutional issue, emphasising the need for equal access to digital platforms for essential services and opportunities.
About Article 21 of the Indian Constitution and its Scope:
- Article 21 reads: “No person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law.”
- Initially focused on protecting life from arbitrary state action, it has been expanded to include living with dignity.
- Key Judicial Expansions:
- Maneka Gandhi vs. Union of India (1978): Right to live with dignity, requiring a fair, just, and reasonable procedure.
- Sunil Batra vs. Delhi Administration (1978): Right to live a healthy life and preserve cultural heritage.
- Bandhua Mukti Morcha vs. Union of India (1984): Linking Article 21 with the Directive Principles of State Policy, ensuring abolition of forced labour.
- Subramaniam Swamy vs. Union of India (2016): Recognized right to reputation as part of Article 21.
- Olga Tellis vs. Bombay Municipal Corporation (1985): Recognized right to livelihood as part of Article 21.
- Aruna Shanbaug case (2011): Recognized the right to die with dignity as part of Article 21.
- K.S. Puttaswamy vs. Union of India (2017): Right to privacy recognized as an essential part of Article 21.
Other Judgments Related to Digital Empowerment
- Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India (1978): Laid the foundation for inclusive digital rights, stating that procedures restricting fundamental rights must be fair, just, and reasonable.
- Faheema Shirin RK v. State of Kerala (2019): Recognized right to access the internet as part of Article 21 and Article 21A (Right to Education). Denying students internet access in hostels was held unconstitutional.
- Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020): SC held that Article 19(1)(a) protects the freedom of speech and expression via the internet, and Article 19(1)(g) safeguards the right to trade online. Restrictions on these rights must meet the tests of reasonableness and proportionality.
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| [UPSC 2024] Under which of the following Articles of the Constitution of India, has the Supreme Court of India placed the Right to Privacy?
Options: (a) Article 15 (b) Article 16 (c) Article 19 (d) Article 21* |
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Why in the News?
Scientists working on the world’s largest nuclear fusion project ITER has completed its main magnet system with India playing a key role in building critical infrastructure.
About ITER (International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor):
- ITER is the world’s largest nuclear fusion research project, aimed at demonstrating that nuclear fusion can be a safe, carbon-free, and sustainable energy source.
- It involves 35 nations, including the EU, US, China, India, Japan, South Korea, and Russia.
- It uses deuterium and tritium (hydrogen isotopes) to undergo fusion at temperatures over 150 million °C, 10 times hotter than the sun’s core, producing large amounts of energy.
- Its goal is to achieve a fusion gain (Q) of 10, producing 500 megawatts of fusion power from just 50 megawatts of input heating power, a 10x gain.
- Launched in 1985 and officially founded in 2006, the project began construction in 2007 and is expected to start its operations in 2033.
- The tokamak is a doughnut-shaped magnetic fusion device used to contain the hot plasma required for nuclear fusion.
- It uses powerful superconducting magnets to confine plasma and prevent it from touching the reactor walls.
India’s Role in ITER/Tokamak:
- India has been a full partner in ITER since 2005, contributing expertise and technology to key aspects of the project.
- It has designed and manufactured the cryostat, a 30-meter-high, 30-meter-diameter vacuum shell made of stainless steel that houses the ITER tokamak and maintains the ultra-cold environment needed for superconducting magnets.
- It has developed in-wall shielding to protect ITER’s components from heat generated during fusion reactions.
- It provides cryogenic systems to cool the superconducting magnets and RF heating systems to heat the plasma to fusion temperatures.
- It has contributed to developing the superconducting magnets, which are essential for plasma confinement inside the tokamak.
Note:
- India manages ITER-India, a project under the Institute for Plasma Research (IPR), overseeing key contributions, including diagnostics, power supplies, and other infrastructure.
- It is also working on the development of a tritium breeding module for future fusion reactors, ensuring self-sufficiency in this critical fuel.
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| [UPSC 2016] India is an important member of the ‘International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor’. If this experiment succeeds, what is the immediate advantage for India?
Options: (a) It can use thorium in place of uranium for power generation (b) It attain a global role in satellite-navigation (c) It can drastically improve the efficiency of its fission reactors in power generation (d) It can build fusion reactors for power generation* |
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Why in the News?
A recent survey by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) uncovered eleven inscriptions in Telangana’s Gundaram Reserve Forest, offering key insights into the region’s ancient history, particularly during the Satavahana period.
Key Findings about the Inscriptions:
- One inscription mentions a person from the Haritiputra lineage, indicating a connection between the Satavahanas and Chutu dynasty.
- The site includes religious symbols such as a trident and damaru, marking the first known religious iconography in early inscriptions of South India.
- The inscriptions reinforce findings from Mukkutraopet and Kotilingala, identifying Telangana as part of the Asmaka Mahajanapada.
About the Satavahana Dynasty:
- The Satavahana dynasty emerged after the fall of the Mauryan Empire around 60 BCE, ruling over Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Madhya Pradesh.
- Simuka, the founding king, reigned from 60 BC to 37 BC and was succeeded by his brother Kanha.
- Notable Rulers:
- Satakarni I (70–60 BC) conquered western Malwa from the Shungas.
- Gautamiputra Satakarni (106–130 AD) expanded the empire and patronized Brahmanism and Buddhism.
- Vashishtaputra Pulamayi (130–154 AD) extended his reign to the mouth of the Krishna River.
- Yajna Sri Satakarni (165–194 AD) was the last great ruler, expanding the empire to Kokan and Malwa.
- Art and Architecture: The Amaravati School of Art flourished during this period, with marble sculptures depicting Buddhist narratives. The Satavahanas promoted rock-cut architecture, including Chaityas and Viharas (e.g., Karle Caves, Ajanta Caves).
- Economic and Administrative Contributions: The Satavahanas fostered trade with the Romans, promoted agriculture, and implemented a mixed revenue system. They also introduced tax-free villages for Brahmins and Buddhist monks.
- Religious and Social Structure: The Satavahanas promoted Brahmanism and Vedic sacrifices and supported Buddhism. The Varna system governed social structure.
- Decline of the Satavahana Dynasty: The empire weakened due to weak rulers after Yajna Sri Satakarni and was eventually fragmented by feudatories and invasions from the Shakas.
- Military Organization: The Satavahanas maintained a large military with 100,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and 1,000 elephants.
| [UPSC 2023] Consider the following statements:
1. The last Mauryan ruler, Brihadratha was assassinated by his commander-in-chief, Pushyamitra Sunga. 2. The last Sunga king, Devabhuti was assassinated by his Brahmana minister Vasudeva Kanva who usurped the throne. 3. The last ruler of the Kanva dynasty was deposed by the Andhras.
Which of these statements is/are correct?
Options: (a) 1 and 2 (b) Only 2 (c) Only 3 (d) 1, 2 and 3* |
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