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Type: Explained

These Newscards correspond to the explained section of various newspapers. They become immensely important for both prelims and mains and special attention needs to be paid to them

  • Egg, chicken, milk prices: Why they remain high

    Why in the News

    Gross value added from India’s livestock sector was about 34% of that from crops in 2013-14, and the ratio touched 57% in 2023-24, the last year for which official data is available. The value of milk, eggs, meat and other animal products from Indian farms is steadily approaching that of foodgrains, oilseeds, sugarcane, cotton, vegetables, fruits and spices. That progress is being undermined by spiralling feed ingredient costs. The tension is that the same grain the animal economy runs on is also the feedstock the fuel blending programme is turning to, and the government cannot protect both at once.

    Components of livestock feed

    1. Energy comes from maize: Broiler chicken feed is 55-65% maize by weight, egg laying bird feed is 50-60% maize, and cattle feed 15-20%.
    2. Protein comes from oilseed cakes and meals: Broiler formulations carry 25-30% soyabean meal and layer feed 18-20%. Oilseed cakes and meals make up 40-50% by weight of compound cattle feed.
    3. The balance is micro ingredients: Animals also need minerals such as calcium and phosphorus, vitamins, dietary fibre, fat and synthetic amino acids such as methionine and lysine.

    How far have feed ingredient prices risen?

    1. Maize at Erode: The average price at the Alangeyam market in Tamil Nadu’s Erode district rose from Rs 2,537 per quintal in August 2025 to Rs 2,759 in August 2026, and stands at Rs 2,810 now.
    2. Soyabean meal at Indore: Prices of 50% protein soyabean meal on the National Commodity and Derivatives Exchange rose from Rs 38,186 per tonne in August 2025 to Rs 58,156 in August 2026. They have fallen to Rs 50,000 this month, against a September 2025 average of Rs 35,327.
    3. The peak and the switch: Soyabean meal has come off a peak of Rs 63,000 to Rs 64,000 per tonne, and maize began hardening just as it eased.
    4. The other protein meals: Groundnut and rapeseed oilcakes trade at Rs 38,000 and Rs 33,100 per tonne against September 2025 averages of Rs 24,188 and Rs 24,479, with cottonseed extraction at Rs 35,500 against Rs 30,500 and rice bran extraction at Rs 20,500 against Rs 13,669, on Solvent Extractors’ Association of India data.

    Why did egg prices climb this year?

    1. The current level: Egg prices in Delhi are at Rs 600 per 100 pieces on the indicative poultry farm-gate rates set by the National Egg Co-ordination Committee (NECC), and retail prices rule at Rs 7-9 per egg depending on whether the purchase is a 30 piece crate, a dozen or a smaller lot.
    2. The July spike: NECC suggested prices scaled Rs 725-730 per 100 eggs in July, and the month’s average of Rs 670.5 was 38.7% higher than a year earlier.
    3. Weather cut supply: The NECC’s stated explanation is that an extended summer and delayed monsoon rains linked to El Nino caused water shortages, heat stress and rising bird mortality, alongside a July spike in maize and soyabean meal prices.
    4. Demand is seasonal: Egg demand and prices generally rise after Diwali through winter and the spring season, and fall with rising temperature and humidity. The real dip runs through Shravan, Pitru Paksha, Navratri, Diwali and Chhath Puja, when many Hindu households avoid eggs.

    Why does feed cost decide the producer’s margin?

    1. Feed dominates the egg cost: Layer feed prices have climbed from Rs 24-26 to Rs 30-32 per kg over the last four months, and feed constitutes 65-70% of a farmer’s egg production cost.
    2. Broiler margins have narrowed: Broiler feed prices have surged from Rs 40 to Rs 46 per kg over the same four months, and total broiler production cost is now roughly Rs 110 per kg.
    3. The price has fallen back towards cost: Farmgate broiler prices crossed Rs 150 per kg of live weight across north India in late June and early July, and have settled at Rs 115-120 per kg after Shravan.
    4. The bird takes time to pay back: Farmers raise day old chicks of 35-45 gm to slaughter ready weight of 2-2.5 kg over 35-42 days. Layer hens begin laying at 18-20 weeks, continue until 70-72 weeks, and lay 250-300 eggs a year.

    Why is the supply outlook uneven between maize and soyabean?

    1. Soyabean looks comfortable: Farmers sowed almost the same area under soyabean this kharif season as last year, and the crop due for harvest in October and November is reported normal to good with no major insect pest or disease incidence.
    2. Imports have padded the stocks: Some large poultry companies with captive feed manufacturing facilities have contracted soyabean imports estimated at 0.9 million tonnes in 2025-26, improving carryover stocks for the new marketing year.
    3. Maize is the worry: Kharif maize acreage is down 4.1% on government data and the yield outlook is weak, on the assessment of CLFMA of India, the compound livestock feed manufacturers’ body. El Nino could also hurt the rabi maize crop.
    4. The output projection has turned: The US Department of Agriculture projects India’s maize production in 2026-27 at 50 million tonnes, a sharp decline from the record 55.1 million tonnes of 2025-26, which was itself a substantial jump over 43.4 million tonnes the year before.

    How does ethanol policy tighten the feed squeeze?

    1. Sugar feedstock is being closed off: With sugar prices rising, the Centre is expected to bar mills from using cane juice or B-heavy molasses, the intermediate molasses stream that still carries high sucrose, for manufacturing ethanol in the crushing year beginning October.
    2. The load shifts to grain: Grain based distilleries carry the blending programme when cane feedstock is restricted, and maize is the grain they draw on.
    3. Diversion itself may be reviewed: If maize prices keep rising into livestock feed costs and consumer prices for milk, eggs and meat, the diversion of the feed grain to ethanol production could itself come up for review.
    4. The blending target is the casualty: Meeting the existing 20% ethanol blending in petrol (E20) would become difficult in 2026-27.

    Challenges to India’s livestock feed supply

    1. Maize productivity is low: India’s average maize yield sits well below the world average, so additional demand has to be met by planting more area rather than by raising output per hectare. Eg. Single cross hybrid seed coverage remains limited across the rainfed kharif maize belts of Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh.
      The Fix: Drive seed replacement with single cross hybrids in the rainfed kharif districts and expand irrigated rabi maize, which yields far more per hectare.
    2. Protein meal supply carries no import ceiling: India does not permit routine imports of genetically modified soyabean meal, so domestic meal prices have no external cap when they run up. Eg. The Centre allowed a one time import of 1.2 million tonnes of de-oiled genetically modified soyameal in 2021 after poultry feed costs spiked.
      The Fix: Notify a standing tariff rate quota for de-oiled soyameal that opens automatically once domestic prices cross a declared trigger.
    3. Dairy runs on a fodder deficit: Cattle and buffalo rations depend on crop residue and grazing land that is shrinking, which pushes more of the ration onto purchased compound feed. Eg. Fodder crops occupy roughly 4% of India’s gross cropped area and that share has not expanded in decades.
      The Fix: Bring fodder crops into seed subsidy and assured procurement in the major milk shed districts, so a farmer growing fodder is not worse off than one growing grain.
    4. Poultry carries weather risk without cover: Commercial layer and broiler units sit outside the livestock insurance cover that large ruminants receive, so mortality in a heat wave is borne entirely by the farmer. Eg. The livestock insurance component of central animal husbandry schemes covers cattle, buffalo, sheep, goat and pig, and not commercial poultry.
      The Fix: Extend livestock insurance to commercial poultry units with a temperature triggered payout, so relief does not wait on a mortality survey.

    Conclusion

    Feed, not disease and not demand, is what now sets the price of an egg, a kilogram of chicken and a litre of milk. The animal economy has grown faster than the grain and oilmeal base that feeds it, so a single bad grain year passes straight through to the consumer. The decision point is the feedstock order for the coming crushing year, which settles how much grain the fuel programme takes before the feed industry gets to it. The marker to watch is whether the government caps grain diversion to protect feed supply, or holds the blending target and lets feed prices clear the market.

    Back2Basics

    1. What the NECC is: A body of poultry farmers formed in 1982 to co-ordinate egg marketing and stabilise prices for producers.
    2. What it does: It declares daily suggested farm-gate egg prices for each of its producing and consuming centres, which the trade uses as the reference rate.
    3. Its standing: The prices are indicative and carry no statutory force, and the body is a producers’ association rather than a regulator.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2015, GS3, 12.5 marks] Livestock rearing has a big potential for providing non-farm employment and income in rural areas. Discuss suggesting suitable measures to promote this sector in India.”

  • A possible G3 is casting a shadow over BRICS

    A possible G3 is casting a shadow over BRICS

    Why in the News

    BRICS leaders meet in Delhi this week to add further layers of cooperation, ranging from agriculture, health to digitalisation. The grouping’s two principal driving forces, Russia and China, are at the same time exploring separate and joint accommodations with the United States, whose domination of the world order BRICS exists to counter.

    What will the Delhi summit actually produce?

    1. More layers, slowly added: The summit will extend cooperation into agriculture, health and digitalisation.
    2. The declaration is not the draw: The last summit, at Rio de Janeiro, issued a declaration of 126 paragraphs without changing anything in the international system.
    3. The attraction is attendance: International interest is focused on the presence of the leaders of China, Russia and Iran.
    4. One bilateral carries the weight: The Chinese President is visiting India for the first time since 2019, and the two leaders are expected to stabilise the boundary situation and reset economic relations.

    Why has BRICS become less coherent?

    1. Expansion cut both ways: Enlargement added weight to the grouping and subtracted coherence from it.
    2. The Iran war split two members: The conflict opened a sharp divide between Tehran and Abu Dhabi, now fellow members of the grouping.
    3. Two incompatible asks: Iran wants BRICS to condemn American and Israeli military action. The United Arab Emirates, which suffered Iranian attacks and disruption to commerce through the Strait of Hormuz, stresses sovereignty, protection of civilian infrastructure and freedom of navigation.
    4. It has already cost an outcome: Those differences prevented the BRICS foreign ministers from issuing a consensual joint statement in Delhi in May.

    Why is a G3 conceivable now?

    1. A leader driven American approach: The US President has long held that good personal relations with the Russian and Chinese leaders could reduce global strategic tensions and produce major political and economic deals.
    2. Domestic and allied resistance: That instinct has repeatedly encountered resistance from the American foreign policy establishment, Congress and US allies.
    3. European and Asian fears differ: The Europeans worry that an accommodation with Moscow could be made at their expense. Asian allies fear that a bargain with Beijing could weaken American commitments to regional security.
    4. Nothing has been transformed yet: Neither relationship has been changed, and the preference for leader driven diplomacy keeps the possibility of movement open.
    5. The idea has been tested before: The possibility of such a meeting was explored last summer, during the 80th anniversary of the end of the Second World War.

    What does Russia bring to that table?

    1. The war has not been won: Four and a half years of fighting have produced no decisive victory, and the front remains costly and difficult to move.
    2. A channel has reopened: Shuttle diplomacy by American envoys between Moscow and Kyiv has reopened the diplomatic channel, without any sign that the fundamental differences between Russia and Ukraine are narrowing.
    3. Both sides hedge: Moscow and Kyiv are supporting the American peace initiative and preparing for escalation at the same time.
    4. European security could become a chip: Russian security questions could be treated by Washington as part of a larger bargain with Beijing.

    What does China bring?

    1. It negotiates from strength: China approaches Washington from a stronger position than Russia does.
    2. A sequenced diplomatic run: Its journey from the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit at Bishkek, through Cairo and Delhi, to the White House later this month presents China as the leader of the Global South and as a co-equal manager of the international order at the same time.
    3. What a second summit could yield: An extension of the trade truce, additional Chinese purchases from the United States and negotiations over technology restrictions are the available deliverables.
    4. The differences are structural: Washington accuses China of relying on subsidised exports and industrial overcapacity. Beijing uses rare earths, market access and its control of important supply chains as leverage.
    5. Taiwan is the standing ask: China will continue to press for a reduction in American support for Taiwan.

    Can anti-Western rhetoric and a seat at the American table hold together?

    1. Alignment and hedging run together: Russia and China are closer to each other than ever and share concerns about the United States. Both also seek a workable relationship with Washington.
    2. Both claim the high table: For all their anti-Western rhetoric, each claims a place at the high table with the United States.
    3. The claim has history: Russia was once part of the G8, the group of Western industrial states, and engaged directly with NATO. China now sees itself as America’s peer.
    4. What a trilateral would signify: Both lay claim to shaping the global order established after 1945, and a summit of the three leaders would mark the beginning of triangular global leadership as a successor to the Yalta System.
    5. It is not imminent: A global directorate of three is not close, and the idea remains an exploration rather than a plan.

    What are India’s three answers?

    1. Build national power first: The first answer is internal reform and accelerated economic development.
    2. Separate multipolarity from anti-American bloc politics: Russia and China use BRICS to expand their diplomatic options and to preserve the freedom to negotiate with Washington. India must approach the emerging order with the same realism.
    3. Widen the partnership base: India must intensify bilateral and minilateral cooperation with the Anglosphere, Brazil, Europe, Japan, Korea and other middle powers that have no enthusiasm for a G3 world.

    Challenges to BRICS

    1. Internal rivalry limits cohesion: Friction between the two largest Asian members prevents a common strategic position inside the grouping. Eg. The unsettled India-China boundary has kept the two from a shared security line inside the same forum.
    2. Consensus across incompatible political systems: The membership spans vibrant democracies and autocracies, which makes agreement on human rights or democratic norms unreachable in joint declarations. Eg. The entry of Iran and Ethiopia alongside Brazil and India widened that political range further.
    3. De-dollarisation is slower than the rhetoric: Local currency settlement has grown, and the US dollar still settles the overwhelming share of global trade. Eg. Rupee-rouble and rupee-dirham settlement covers only a fraction of India’s external trade.
    4. There is no permanent secretariat: The grouping has no charter and no standing institution, so continuity depends entirely on the annual chair. Eg. Each presidency resets the agenda, and commitments lapse when the chair changes.
    5. Intra-group trade stays low: Members continue to rely on G7 markets for high technology imports and services exports. Eg. Most members source advanced semiconductors and aerospace components from the United States, Europe and Japan.
    6. Expansion risks dilution: A larger BRICS+ risks becoming a discussion forum that produces no decisions. Eg. The Non-Aligned Movement grew past 120 members and lost the ability to reach operative positions.

    Way Forward

    1. Focus on areas of common interest: Confine joint positions to areas where members already agree, such as development finance and public health, rather than seeking a security consensus that does not exist.
    2. Adopt variable geometry: Move towards a variable geometry model in which subsets of members can sign issue specific instruments without binding the whole group.
    3. Strengthen payment infrastructure: Target payments infrastructure that lowers settlement cost and time, rather than focusing primarily on the displacement of the US dollar as a reserve currency.
    4. Create a permanent institutional mechanism: Establish a small standing secretariat with a limited mandate to track implementation of past declarations and maintain institutional continuity.
    5. Promote intra-BRICS supply chains: Direct the New Development Bank towards financing intra-group industrial supply chains, particularly in strategic sectors such as advanced technology and manufacturing.
    6. Formalise expansion criteria: Establish clear entry criteria for partner countries, ensuring that future expansion is based on economic complementarity rather than political alignment.

    Conclusion

    Multipolarity has always had two possible shapes: one distributes power across many capitals; the other concentrates it among a handful and calls the result a balance. BRICS rests on the first assumption; its two strongest members hedge towards the second. For India the operative question is not whether a three cornered directorate forms, which it may not, but whether Indian diplomacy is organised for a world in which its two largest partners in the grouping negotiate separately with Washington. That answer will show up in what India builds outside the room, not in what the room declares.

    About BRICS

    1. What it is: BRICS is an informal grouping of major emerging economies that coordinates political and economic positions outside Western led institutions, without a founding treaty.
    2. Membership: Its full members are Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, with Saudi Arabia participating without having formalised its status.
    3. Its weight: The grouping accounts for over 45 per cent of the world’s population, about 37 per cent of global output measured at purchasing power parity, which exceeds the G7’s share, and roughly 42 per cent of global oil production and exports.
    4. Its stated objectives: Reform of the United Nations Security Council, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank for more equitable representation, a multipolar order, and reduced reliance on the US dollar and on SWIFT, the messaging network banks use to instruct cross border payments.

    Key Facts about BRICS

    1. The acronym predates the grouping: ‘BRIC’ was coined in 2001 by a Goldman Sachs economist to identify high growth emerging economies.
    2. From officials to leaders: The first meeting of foreign ministers was held on the margins of the United Nations General Assembly in 2006. The first formal Leaders’ Summit was held at Yekaterinburg in Russia in 2009.
    3. How it grew: South Africa joined in 2011. Expansion was decided at the 2023 Johannesburg Summit, with Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates joining in 2024 and Indonesia in 2025.
    4. A partner tier: A ‘Partner Country’ category was introduced in 2024 to engage states such as Malaysia, Thailand and Nigeria without granting full membership.

    Initiatives under BRICS

    1. New Development Bank: Headquartered in Shanghai, it has approved over USD 35 billion in infrastructure lending.
    2. Contingent Reserve Arrangement: A USD 100 billion fund providing short term liquidity support to members.
    3. BRICS Pay: A cross border payment system in pilot stage, intended to work around SWIFT.
    4. BRICS Vaccine Research and Development Centre: Set up during the pandemic for technology transfer and vaccine equity.
    5. Remote Sensing Satellite Constellation: Six satellites contributed by member states, sharing data for disaster management.
    6. Partnership on New Industrial Revolution (PartNIR): Cooperation on artificial intelligence, digitalisation and green technology.
    7. BRICS Space Council: Established in 2025 to coordinate deep space exploration and lunar research.

    Back2Basics: The Yalta System

    • Why the term recurs: ‘Yalta System’ is used as shorthand for an international order settled among a small number of great powers rather than by the wider membership.f BRICS in projecting itself as an alternative to other groupings.”
    • Where the term comes from: The Yalta Conference of February 1945 brought together the leaders of the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union to settle the shape of the post-war order.
    • What it settled: It fixed the occupation and reorganisation of Europe and confirmed agreement on creating the United Nations.
    • The concert it produced: It led to a Security Council with permanent seats and a veto for five powers, entrenching great power management of international peace.

    [2026, GS2, 10.0 marks] “BRICS acts as a powerful counterweight in global governance, actively amplifying the voice and influence of the Global South.” Explain the role of BRICS in projecting itself as an alternative to other groupings.

  • Why a flat map fails to accurately depict Earth

    Why a flat map fails to accurately depict Earth

    Why in the News

    • The UN General Assembly has adopted a resolution encouraging a shift from the Mercator projection towards the Equal Earth projection.
    • 164 countries, including India, supported the resolution.
    • The United States voted against, while six countries abstained.
    • The resolution is non-binding.
    • The debate centres on how world maps represent the relative size of different regions, particularly Africa.

    What is a Map Projection?

    • A map projection converts the three-dimensional Earth into a two-dimensional map.
    • Every projection involves some form of distortion.
    • Four major properties are: Area, Shape, Distance, Direction
    • Major types include:
      • Conformal: Preserves local angles and shapes.
      • Equal-area: Preserves relative areas.
      • Equidistant: Preserves selected distances.
      • Compromise: Balances different types of distortion.

    Mercator Projection

    • Developed by Gerardus Mercator in 1569.
    • Designed mainly for navigation.
    • Meridians and parallels are represented as straight lines.
    • A constant compass bearing can be represented as a straight line.
    • It is a conformal projection.

    Major Limitation

    • Areas become increasingly exaggerated towards the poles.
    • Greenland and Antarctica therefore appear much larger than their actual relative size.
    • This can visually distort perceptions of the geographical size of regions.

    Equal Earth Projection

    • Developed in 2018.
    • It is an equal-area projection.
    • Preserves the relative area of landmasses.
    • Particularly useful for:
      • Population distribution
      • Climate data
      • Land-use mapping
      • Resource distribution
    • It sacrifices some accuracy in shape and distance.

    Which Projection for Which Purpose?

    • Navigation → Mercator or other conformal projections.
    • Statistical/thematic maps → Equal-area projections such as Equal Earth.
    • General world maps → Robinson or Winkel Tripel.
    • Polar regions → Azimuthal projections.

    Challenges

    • UN resolutions are not legally binding.
    • Digital mapping systems continue to rely heavily on Mercator-derived projections.
    • Changing a projection does not eliminate distortion; it only changes which property is prioritised.
    • Therefore, maps should clearly mention the projection and its principal purpose.

    Way Forward

    • Use projection according to purpose, rather than adopting one universal map.
    • Provide equal-area options in government statistical and mapping platforms.
    • Clearly mention the projection used on published maps.
    • Improve geographical literacy by teaching the limitations of different projections.

    Prelims Pointers

    • Compromise projections → Balance multiple distortions.
    • Mercator → Conformal projection.
    • Mercator → Developed in 1569.
    • Mercator’s major use → Navigation.
    • Equal Earth → Equal-area projection.
    • Equal-area projection → Preserves relative areas.
    • Geostationary ≠ Geosynchronous is a separate orbital concept, not a map projection.
    • No flat map → Can simultaneously preserve area, shape, distance and direction perfectly.
  • For ISRO, expanding ecosystem is way forward

    For ISRO, expanding ecosystem is way forward

    Why in the News

    The chairman of the Indian National Space Promotion and Authorisation Centre (IN-SPACe), the nodal agency that promotes and guides private participation in space, has said that the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) would eventually not manufacture any launch vehicles, and that the work would be done by private companies. The remark widened a dispute that had begun when ISRO tightened its norms for resignation and voluntary retirement of senior scientific personnel. Employee associations wrote to the ISRO leadership asking whether the remark represented official policy. The ISRO chairman then stated categorically that there was no move to privatise the agency. The same statement welcomed an increasing role for private companies. The contest is between an agency being restructured towards exploration and science, and the commercial launch revenue it would give up to get there.

    What triggered the dispute inside ISRO?

    1. The starting point was a personnel rule: ISRO tightened its norms for resignation and voluntary retirement of senior scientific personnel, which is what opened the wider debate.
    2. The dispute then changed subject: It expanded into questions about the role of the private sector in space and about the future of the space agency itself.
    3. The staff sought a policy ruling: Employee associations asked the leadership whether a public remark by the head of the promotion agency represented official policy, which the ISRO chairman answered by ruling out privatisation.

    What model is the government moving towards?

    1. The reference model is NASA: ISRO is being prepared to focus primarily on big-ticket space projects, scientific missions and exploration missions, with routine launches passing to private industry.
    2. The agency is also the mentor: ISRO is being asked to handhold private industry and help it reach a level of maturity.
    3. Personnel already move that way: Most private space companies carry retired ISRO scientists as advisors or mentors.
    4. Infrastructure is already shared: ISRO offers its launch pads and related services to these companies.
    5. A launch vehicle has already left the agency: ISRO developed the Small Satellite Launch Vehicle (SSLV) over the years and has transferred the technology to Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, a public-sector undertaking.

    What does an expanded ecosystem deliver?

    1. Launch volume and revenue: A private space ecosystem can carry a large number of commercial launches and bring in much-needed revenue.
    2. People and jobs: It can develop a large talent pool and generate fresh employment opportunities.
    3. Diplomatic weight: Capabilities in space products and services are becoming a powerful diplomatic good.

    Where does the model cut against ISRO?

    1. Provider or beneficiary: The concern within sections of the ISRO staff is that the agency should not merely be a provider to the ecosystem but also a beneficiary of it.
    2. The revenue it steps away from: By moving out of commercial launches, ISRO forgoes an important source of income it currently earns.
    3. Budget dependence constrains ambition: Becoming entirely dependent on government budgets limits capability, since neither research and development nor ambitious exploration projects are cheap.
    4. Talent has a price: An agency doing frontier work has to attract and retain top-tier talent, which is also what the tightened exit norms were reaching for.

    Why is institutional independence part of the argument?

    1. Political attention has helped: Sustained interest at the highest political level in the space sector has brought ISRO steady government support for its plans and projects.
    2. The success has a stated cause: ISRO’s record is often attributed to its relative immunity from government interference.
    3. The staff concern is about that autonomy: The apprehension within the agency is that a restructuring driven from outside erodes the independence the agency has enjoyed so far, at the point when its missions become more ambitious.

    Challenges to India’s expanding space ecosystem

    1. Demand does not yet match the launch capacity being built: A commercial launch business depends on a payload pipeline that Indian startups do not control, and the global small satellite launch market is already crowded with subsidised incumbents. Eg. Skyroot Aerospace flew the Vikram-S suborbital demonstration in November 2022 and Agnikul Cosmos flew a single-stage vehicle with a 3D-printed engine in May 2024, and neither has since established a regular commercial orbital cadence.
      The Fix: Anchor private launch demand with a committed government payload order book, on the model of NASA’s block procurement of commercial launches.
    2. Deep-technology capital is scarce and short in tenure: Space hardware takes years to reach revenue, which sits badly with venture funds that need an exit inside a fund life. Eg. The Rs 1,000 crore venture capital fund for the space sector announced in 2024 is small against the capital a single launch vehicle programme absorbs.
      The Fix: Convert a share of that fund into milestone-linked, non-dilutive grants for qualification testing, which is the stage where hardware companies stall.
    3. The regulator promotes and authorises the same firms it helps: IN-SPACe both promotes private participation and authorises the activity, so the body encouraging an entrant also clears its safety and liability case. Eg. The Indian Space Policy, 2023 assigned both functions to the same agency.
      The Fix: Separate the authorisation function into a distinct decision-making arm with its own record of reasons, keeping promotion and clearance in different hands.
    4. Liability for damage rests with the government whoever launches: Under the Outer Space Treaty, 1967 and the Liability Convention, 1972, the launching State is internationally liable for damage caused by an object launched from its territory. Eg. A private Indian operator’s failure abroad becomes a claim against the Union of India, not against the company.
      The Fix: Enact a domestic space activities law fixing indemnity ceilings and compulsory third-party insurance for authorised private operators.

    Conclusion

    The two halves of the plan pull in opposite directions. An agency told to concentrate on science and exploration is also being told to release the commercial work that would part-fund it, which leaves the exploration mandate resting entirely on an annual budget line. The unresolved question is whether the government intends to replace the forgone earnings with an assured allocation, or whether the restructuring is a transfer of revenue without a transfer of cost. The marker over the next Budget cycle is the direction of the Department of Space’s allocation once commercial launch work has moved out, since a flat allocation would settle the question the agency’s staff are actually asking.

    Back2Basics: IN-SPACe

    1. What it is: The Indian National Space Promotion and Authorisation Centre is an autonomous body under the Department of Space, created in 2020 as the single-window agency for private participation in space activities.
    2. What it authorises: It grants authorisation to non-government entities for launches, satellite operations, ground stations and space-based services.
    3. What it enables: It permits private entities to use ISRO’s facilities and to obtain transfer of ISRO-developed technology.
    4. Where it sits in policy: The Indian Space Policy, 2023 assigns it the promotion and authorisation functions, keeps ISRO on research, development and exploration, and leaves NewSpace India Limited to commercialise ISRO’s technologies.

    [2026] Consider the following statements about involvement of private entities in India’s space programme:

    1. IN-SPACe is an autonomous agency formed to facilitate participation of private entities.

    2. Agnikul Cosmos launched the world’s first flight using 3D-printed rocket engine.

    3. Skyroot Aerospace has developed liquid fuel for GSLV.

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 and 3 only

    (c) 1 and 2 only

    (d) 1, 2 and 3

  • Behind Nepal’s compensation demand for devastating flood

    Why in the News

    Nepal has written to the United Nations fund for responding to loss and damage after a catastrophic flash flood killed more than 1,000 people. The country had already decided to shift its diplomatic position, seeking ‘compensation’ for natural disasters in place of aid. Its Foreign Minister framed the claim as a matter of legal and moral liability rather than charity, and named China, the United States and India as major industrial emitters carrying a historical responsibility to compensate vulnerable nations. The contest is over what a country with negligible emissions is owed and by whom. Aid is discretionary and can be refused; compensation asserts a liability that the international climate regime has never accepted.

    What is the loss and damage fund?

    1. What it does: The fund was set up in 2022 to help countries respond to the economic hits from extreme events, in addition to financing mitigation and adaptation.
    2. What has been promised: Around USD 822 million has been pledged to it.
    3. What is actually available: Around USD 350 million is allotted for disbursement.
    4. How it is financed: Contributions are voluntary. The United Arab Emirates has provided USD 100 million, and much of the remaining contribution has come from Europe.

    What happened in Nepal?

    1. The scale: More than 1,000 people are dead and thousands remain missing nearly ten days later, with whole villages, bridges and roads swept away.
    2. Two amplifiers: The impact was heightened by heavy infrastructure development by China in Tibet, which has affected the Himalayas, and by climate change.
    3. The range as a water store: The Himalayas are referred to as the third pole, given their huge reservoirs of ice and water.
    4. A long flagged risk: Melting of Himalayan glaciers has been observed for years, with climatologists warning of severe consequences.

    Who has actually caused the accumulated emissions?

    1. The United States leads: It is the leading contributor at 25 per cent of the CO2 accumulated in the atmosphere, which is the key cause of climate change.
    2. Europe and China follow: Europe is next at around 20 per cent, with China now fast catching up at 15 per cent of the global stock.
    3. India’s share of the stock is small: India’s contribution is under 4 per cent.
    4. India’s per capita emissions are half the average: India emits around 2 tonnes of CO2 per person a year, against a global average of 4.5 tonnes.

    Why has Nepal replaced aid with compensation?

    1. The stated ground: Nepal’s greenhouse gas emissions are negligible, and its position is that it is bearing the consequences of a problem it did not create.
    2. The causal claim: The rapid melting of glaciers and the resulting mountain floods are presented as direct consequences of global climate change.
    3. The legal framing: The Foreign Minister described the claim as a matter of legal and moral liability rather than charity.
    4. The practical driver: The size of the rehabilitation requirement makes access to international funding necessary, and seeking solidarity in place of aid suits a young and globally aware government.

    Why did the demand name India?

    1. The three named emitters: The Foreign Minister named China as the world’s top emitter, the United States as second and India as third.
    2. Current output, not accumulated stock: That ranking rests on current annual emissions, which places India very differently from where its share of the accumulated stock places it.
    3. A balancing act: The inclusion of India alongside the two largest emitters is read as Nepal’s practice of balancing its two neighbours.
    4. The walk back: Nepal’s Prime Minister thanked India and China for their assistance after the floods. The Foreign Minister later said the issue was not about shifting blame to one country or another but about working together.

    Does the shift from aid to compensation gain anything?

    1. The two words carry different obligations: Aid is offered at the giver’s discretion. Compensation asserts a claim the payer is obliged to meet.
    2. The fund is built on the first: Contributions to the loss and damage fund are voluntary, so a liability framing has no forum inside the fund that could compel a payment.
    3. The diplomatic cost is immediate: The claim was softened within days, once the neighbours it named turned out to be the ones supplying relief.
    4. The gain is agenda setting: A liability framing raises the political price of underfunding the mechanism. It does not create a right to be paid.

    Challenges to the loss and damage fund

    1. The regime expressly excludes liability: Loss and damage is recognised under Article 8 of the Paris Agreement, and the decision adopting the agreement records that Article 8 does not involve or provide a basis for any liability or compensation. Eg. Small island states pressed for a liability provision in 2015 and accepted its exclusion in order to secure the agreement.
      The Fix: Negotiate an agreed needs based replenishment cycle, so predictable funding substitutes for a legal claim that will not be conceded.
    2. The hosting arrangement is contested: The fund was operationalised at the 2023 Conference of the Parties in Dubai with the World Bank as interim host for four years, over developing country objections about the Bank’s governance and its fees. Eg. Developing country negotiators sought an independent secretariat outside the Bank’s board structure.
      The Fix: Fix a firm date for the review of the hosting arrangement and publish the fee and governance terms against which it will be judged.
    3. Access is slowest where need is highest: Climate funds require accreditation of a national entity and detailed project proposals, which the least developed countries take years to complete. Eg. National implementing entities in several least developed countries have waited years for Green Climate Fund accreditation.
      The Fix: Create a rapid disbursement window that releases a fixed sum on a declared national disaster, without a project proposal.

    Conclusion

    The claim Nepal made and then softened will outlast the flood that produced it. The climate regime has built a fund for loss and damage without the liability that would make any claim on it enforceable, and a country facing a rehabilitation bill it cannot carry will keep pressing at that gap. What is worth watching is not whether the demand is repeated but whether the next replenishment round ties contributions to assessed need rather than to donor discretion. Until it does, a small mountain state’s only real leverage is the moral argument it was persuaded to withdraw.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2022, GS2, 15.0 marks] Clean energy is the order of the day. Describe briefly India’s changing policy towards climate change in various international fora in the context of geopolitics.”

  • Inside India’s problem with reporting child sexual abuse material

    Why in the News

    The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has issued notices to two Union ministries and the Delhi Police over paid Instagram advertisements. The advertisements allegedly used search terms such as “rape video” and “child video” to direct users to Telegram channels offering child sexual abuse material (CSAM). The Commission has directed that an Action Taken Report reach it within two weeks. The advertisements had passed the review systems of Meta, which owns Instagram, and remained available until the company’s attention was drawn to them. Two questions follow from that failure: whether the statutory duty to report the offence was complied with, and whether a platform whose artificial intelligence systems actively shape content can still claim the legal protections available to intermediaries.

    What is a CyberTipline report?

    1. An alert raised by the platform: A CyberTipline report is generated when a technology platform detects suspected child sexual abuse material and refers it for law enforcement follow up.
    2. It locates the material, not its source: A report often identifies where the material was found, not where it originated, and establishing origin requires a separate investigation.
    3. How it reaches an Indian investigator: Reports are processed by the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) and the Indian Cybercrime Coordination Centre (I4C), and are then routed and assigned to the relevant State and district authorities.

    What has the Commission asked of the platform?

    1. Whether the offences were reported at all: Meta has been asked whether the alleged offences were reported, and, if they were not, to identify those responsible for ensuring compliance.
    2. The duty lies on any person: Section 19 of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012 requires any person who apprehends that an offence under the Act is likely to be committed, or who knows one has been committed, to report it to the Special Juvenile Police Unit or the local police.
    3. Internal processes do not discharge it: The Commission’s stated position is that the obligation cannot be substituted by internal correspondence, grievance redressal or regulatory engagement.

    Is a platform that shapes content still an intermediary?

    1. The systems do more than host: A supplementary representation before the Commission argued that Meta’s artificial intelligence assisted tools generate captions, recommend posting schedules, optimise engagement and assist monetisation.
    2. The classification question has been referred: The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting has been asked to examine whether such functions remain consistent with intermediary status, or whether they resemble the role of a publisher of online curated content under the Information Technology Rules, 2021.
    3. The stake in the answer: Intermediary status carries protection from liability for content that others post. A publisher of curated content carries responsibility for what it puts out.

    How many reports arrive, and how many become cases?

    1. The volume: India received around 1.9 million CyberTipline reports in 2025.
    2. The conversion is small: Only a fraction of those reports translate into police action.
    3. Verification precedes registration: Authorities conduct a preliminary verification before a first information report is registered, and not every report progresses beyond that stage.

    Where does a report stall before an FIR?

    1. Report quality varies: The reports vary significantly in quality and completeness, so many cannot carry a preliminary verification at all.
    2. A prima facie test on the material: Investigators assess whether the flagged material prima facie depicts child sexual abuse material. Once jurisdiction is identified and the material verified, the case is forwarded to the local police station or cyber police unit.
    3. Age is the recurring obstacle: Verifying the age of the victim is among the more recurring difficulties, since poor image quality, blurred visuals or uncertainty about age obstruct that finding.
    4. Attribution comes last: Only once a first information report is registered do investigators begin identifying the individual behind the account.

    What decides the outcome in court?

    1. A designated forum: Cases are generally tried before the special courts designated under the POCSO Act.
    2. Convictions turn on digital evidence: Defence arguments frequently focus on whether the accused was actually the person using the device, the SIM card or the internet connection linked to the offence.
    3. An unidentified offender ends the case: Where investigators cannot identify the person responsible, police may file a closure report.

    Challenges to CSAM detection and prosecution in India

    1. Encryption removes the point of detection: Offenders increasingly use encrypted platforms, where the service provider cannot scan content and therefore generates no report at all. Eg. End to end encrypted messaging leaves no server side copy for a platform to match against a database of known material.
      The Fix: Require significant platforms to report metadata level signals, such as advertising keywords and channel invitation links, where the content itself is not visible to them.
    2. Synthetic material defeats hash matching: Detection relies on matching a file against databases of known material, and newly generated images produce no match. Eg. Images of children produced by generative models carry no prior hash record.
      The Fix: Extend detection to classifier based models and recognise synthetic child sexual abuse material explicitly as an offence in the governing statute.
    3. The reporting duty has no platform specific machinery: Section 19 places the duty on any person, and prescribes no route by which a foreign incorporated platform files with an Indian police unit. Eg. Reports currently arrive through the CyberTipline chain rather than as a statutory filing by the company.
      The Fix: Prescribe a designated reporting channel and a fixed filing deadline for significant social media intermediaries under the Information Technology Rules.
    4. Judicial expansion has outpaced investigative capacity: The offence has been widened by the courts, and district cyber units have not grown to match it. Eg. In Just Rights for Children Alliance v. S. Harish (2024) the Supreme Court held that storing and viewing child sexual abuse material is itself an offence under Section 15 of the POCSO Act.
      The Fix: Fund district cyber forensic units and a national facility for medical and forensic age estimation, so verification is not left to the investigating officer’s judgement.

    Conclusion

    Detection is not the constraint in this system. The constraint sits between an automated alert and a chargeable case, where verification, jurisdiction and identification each remove a share of what was reported, and a closure report is the default outcome when identification fails. A platform whose systems recommend, caption and monetise what appears on it is not simply carrying what other people post, and the protection designed for a passive carrier does not obviously fit it. How the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting answers that classification question is the thing to watch.

    Back2Basics: National Human Rights Commission

    1. A statutory body: The NHRC was constituted under the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993, and is not a constitutional body.
    2. Composition: It has a Chairperson and members, with the chairpersons of specified national commissions, including the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights, as ex officio members.
    3. Powers: It inquires suo motu or on a petition into a violation of human rights or negligence in preventing one, and holds the powers of a civil court for that inquiry.
    4. Limits: Its findings are recommendatory, and it can require the concerned government to report the action taken on them.

    Matching Previous Year Question

    “[2017] In India, it is legally mandatory for which of the following to report on cyber security incidents? 1. Service providers 2. Data Centres 3. Body corporate Select the correct answer using the code given below: (a) 1 only (b) 1 and 2 only (c) 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3 ANSWER: (d)”

  • In a first, alternative fuel vehicles outsell petrol cars in India

    In a first, alternative fuel vehicles outsell petrol cars in India

    Why in the News

    Alternative fuel vehicles outsold petrol cars in India’s passenger vehicle market for the first time in August 2026. Compressed natural gas (CNG), hybrid and electric vehicles together accounted for 41.95 percent of passenger vehicle retail sales against petrol’s 40.85 percent. The month also set a volume record across every segment, with 24,23,201 units retailed in all. The crossover was reported in the monthly retail registration data of the Federation of Automobile Dealers Associations (FADA). Petrol remains the largest single fuel in the market, so the crossover is three powertrains adding up rather than one substitute displacing petrol.

    What does the August 2026 retail data show across segments?

    1. A record month by volume: Total retail sales reached 24,23,201 units, a rise of 17.51 percent year on year. Two wheelers, passenger vehicles, commercial vehicles, tractors and three wheelers each set a fresh August record.
    2. Growth was uneven across segments: Wheeled construction equipment grew 31.45 percent, two wheelers 19.69 percent, passenger vehicles 16.14 percent and commercial vehicles 14.45 percent. Three wheelers grew 8.64 percent and tractor sales were effectively flat at 0.84 percent.
    3. Segment volumes set new marks: Two wheelers retailed 17,14,610 units, the best August since 2018. Passenger vehicles crossed the four lakh mark in an August for the first time at 4,02,398 units, and commercial vehicles came in at 90,769 units.
    4. The lighter commercial categories led: Light commercial vehicles grew 15.32 percent year on year, heavy commercial vehicles 13.98 percent and medium commercial vehicles 10.38 percent. Dealers attribute the demand to infrastructure execution, mining and logistics linked to e-commerce, alongside steady financing.
    5. Sales fell against the previous month: Retails were 6.48 percent lower than in July 2026. The seasonal monsoon lull and a festival calendar that shifted Ganesh Chaturthi and pushed Onam linked buying into September account for the fall.
    6. Dealer stock is building: Passenger vehicle inventory rose by a further five days over the end of July to about 38 to 40 days, against the 21 day benchmark the dealers’ body recommends. Higher stock than the previous month was reported by 56 percent of passenger vehicle dealers.

    Why does the change in fuel mix matter more than the volume record?

    1. The alternative fuel share is three distinct powertrains: CNG vehicles accounted for 25.28 percent of passenger vehicle sales, hybrids 9.04 percent and electric vehicles 7.63 percent. CNG alone is more than three times the electric share.
    2. No single alternative fuel has replaced petrol: Petrol is still the largest individual fuel in the segment. The threshold crossed is a share of the market held collectively, not a substitution of one fuel by another.
    3. Running cost is the stated driver: Dealers attribute the movement of petrol buyers towards CNG, hybrids and electric vehicles to running cost economics rather than to purchase price.
    4. Ethanol blending has become a demand factor: Continuing consumer hesitation around the E20 transition, the shift to petrol blended with 20 percent ethanol, is nudging buyers away from petrol. Part of the shift is avoidance of an uncertain fuel rather than preference for a new powertrain.

    How far has electrification moved beyond passenger cars?

    1. Electric two wheelers crossed a tenth of their market: Their share reached 10.68 percent against 7.66 percent a year earlier. It was the first time the 10 percent mark was crossed in a non festival month.
    2. Electric commercial vehicles hit a record share: Their share rose to an all time high of 5.18 percent from 2.06 percent a year earlier, with monthly volumes setting a fresh record.
    3. Three wheelers are already structurally electric: Electric penetration in the three wheeler segment stands at 65.30 percent. Electrification there has stopped being a transition and become the default.

    Challenges to the shift to alternative fuel vehicles

    1. Charging access lags electric vehicle sales: Public charging remains concentrated in large cities and on a few highway corridors, so buyers without private parking carry the highest switching cost. Eg. The PM Electric Drive Revolution in Innovative Vehicle Enhancement (PM E-DRIVE) scheme, notified in 2024, set aside about Rs 2,000 crore of its outlay specifically for public charging infrastructure.
    2. CNG supply is geographically uneven: The fuel is dense in a few city gas distribution areas and thin elsewhere, which caps how far its cost advantage can travel. Eg. Delhi and Gujarat hold a large share of India’s CNG stations while much of eastern India remains sparsely covered.
    3. Hybrid incentives vary by State: Hybrids sit outside most electric vehicle subsidy schemes, so their running cost advantage depends on where the vehicle is registered. Eg. Uttar Pradesh waived the registration tax on strong hybrid vehicles in 2024, a concession most States do not offer.
    4. Battery manufacture depends on imported inputs: Cell manufacturing and the lithium, cobalt and graphite feeding it are largely imported, so electric vehicle prices track external supply. Eg. The National Critical Mineral Mission, launched in 2025, was created to secure exactly these inputs.
    5. A share built on hesitation can reverse: Buyers moving away from petrol over blending concerns can move back once those concerns are answered. Eg. E20 petrol was rolled out across the country by 2025 amid disputes over fuel efficiency and engine compatibility in vehicles built for lower blends.

    Way Forward

    1. Expand public charging infrastructure: Tie charging point rollout targets to electricity distribution licence areas, so coverage follows the grid rather than following sales volumes.
    2. Ensure wider CNG availability: Make station rollout milestones an enforceable condition of every city gas distribution licence rather than a projected commitment.
    3. Create uniform hybrid incentives: Settle one national treatment of hybrids in the motor vehicle tax structure so the segment is not priced by State discretion.
    4. Strengthen domestic battery value chains: Link production linked incentive disbursal for cells to domestic value addition milestones rather than to assembly volumes.
    5. Build evidence based consumer confidence: Publish independent test results on efficiency loss and material compatibility by vehicle vintage, so the choice rests on evidence rather than uncertainty.

    Conclusion

    The fuel mix has moved ahead of the infrastructure that has to support it. The festival quarter is the next test, when discounting and volume peak together and dealer stock is either absorbed or deepens. The second marker is whether the alternative fuel share holds once the ethanol blending question is settled, because a share built partly on avoidance is not the same as a share built on preference.

    Back2Basics: Federation of Automobile Dealers Associations (FADA)

    1. What it is: FADA is the apex national body of automobile retail dealers in India, representing dealerships across vehicle segments.
    2. What its data measures: It compiles retail sales from vehicle registration records at regional transport offices. Its figures therefore track vehicles sold to customers, not vehicles dispatched from factories to dealerships.
    3. Why the distinction matters: Manufacturer dispatch numbers can rise while retail sales stall, with the difference sitting as unsold stock at dealerships. FADA’s monthly inventory reading is what exposes that gap.

    [2025] Consider the following types of vehicles:

    I. Full battery electric vehicles

    II. Hydrogen fuel cell vehicles

    III. Fuel cell electric hybrid vehicles

    How many of the above are considered as alternative (powertrain) vehicles?

    (a) Only one

    (b) Only two

    (c) All the three

    (d) None

  • Fading alphabet to fresh paint: Dogri scripts a comeback on Jammu signboards

    Why in the News

    New public signboards in Jammu carry area names in Namey Dogra Akhar, the script of the Dogri language, alongside the usual Devanagari for Hindi and Roman for English. Dogri has long been written in Devanagari, with its own script falling into disuse. Civic authorities are putting the boards up at prominent locations and institutions as an attempt to revive that script. Dogri itself carries the full set of formal protections available to an Indian language, at the Union level and in the Union Territory. The tension is that the decision that secured the language, adopting Devanagari to popularise its literature, is the same decision that displaced its script.

    What is Namey Dogra Akhar?

    1. A modified Takri: Namey Dogra Akhar is a modified version of Takri, the original script in which Dogri was written. The name translates as new Dogri script.
    2. It was created to solve a transcription problem: Takri had no vowel signs, so official orders and documents could not be reliably transcribed in it.
    3. The vowels were borrowed from Devanagari: Writers were directed to take vowel signs from Devanagari, which produced the new script. It then entered administrative work alongside Persian, which was already in use.

    Where does Dogri stand as a language?

    1. Family and group: Dogri is an Indo-Aryan language, part of the Indo-European family that also includes Hindi, Bengali and Punjabi. It belongs to the Western Pahari group, a cluster of related languages found mainly in the western Himalayas.
    2. Speakers and spread: It was the primary language of nearly 2.6 million people at the 2011 Census. It is spoken mainly by the Dogras of Jammu and Kashmir’s Jammu division, with smaller groups in Punjab, Himachal Pradesh and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.
    3. Formal recognition: Dogri was recognised as one of the 22 scheduled languages under the Eighth Schedule in 2003. It was declared one of the official languages of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir in 2020.

    How did the script lose its place in administration?

    1. The first Dogra ruler left it undeveloped: Maharaja Gulab Singh, the first Dogra ruler of Jammu and Kashmir, directed his energies at expanding the empire up to Tibet. He found little time to promote or develop Takri.
    2. His successor built the new script into government: Maharaja Ranbir Singh, who ascended the throne in 1856, was a scholar of Sanskrit and Persian and a reformer who had the civil and criminal laws compiled into the Ranbir Penal Code. The modified script emerged in administrative work during his rule.
    3. Urdu replaced Persian and squeezed the script out: Maharaja Pratap Singh, who succeeded in 1885, replaced Persian with Urdu as the official language to simplify administrative work, since Urdu was already widely used among the local population.
    4. Local use outlasted official use: The Dogri script continued to be used by many local people for several years after it lost its administrative standing.
    5. Three script demands were balanced against each other: Maharaja Hari Singh, who became ruler in 1926, faced British pressure for English in official work and a demand for Hindi in the Dogra heartland. He promoted Devanagari and Roman alongside the Perso-Arabic script used for Urdu.

    Why did reviving the language not revive the script?

    1. A literary body switched scripts to widen readership: The Dogri Sanstha, a literary organisation, adopted the Devanagari script in 1944 to popularise Dogri literature.
    2. The switch bought recognition at the script’s expense: It helped Dogri gain Sahitya Akademi recognition in 1969. It also contributed to the eventual decline of Namey Dogra Akhar.
    3. Academic institutionalisation ran entirely in Devanagari: The University of Jammu set up a Dogri Research Cell in 1971, later upgraded into a full department. The language became a formal subject in affiliated degree colleges in 1987, taught in Devanagari.
    4. The agitations were about the language, not the script: A Dogri Action Committee led by a Dogri poet held demonstrations in 1990 to get the language introduced in schools. An umbrella group, the Dogri Sangharsh Morcha, launched an agitation two years later for inclusion among the scheduled languages, and Dogri entered primary schooling as a third language in 2002.

    What is the current revival attempt?

    1. It began outside government: Civil society members started displaying boards written in Namey Dogra Akhar at religious places and cremation grounds a few years ago. A former principal of the Government Medical College, Jammu led that effort.
    2. It then moved to the municipal body: The same effort approached the Jammu Municipal Corporation to install public signboards, which is how the boards reached prominent locations and institutions.
    3. Teaching is the announced next step: Classes in the Dogri script are to be started, on the stated position that a language cannot survive without its own script.

    Challenges to reviving the Dogri script

    1. Signage does not by itself create readers: A script on a board stays decorative until a population can decode it, and Dogri continues to be taught in Devanagari. Eg. Manipur returned Meitei Mayek to everyday use only after making the script compulsory in schools from 2006.
      The Fix: Introduce the script as a taught component of the existing Dogri syllabus in schools and colleges rather than as an optional cultural add on.
    2. Digital support is thin: A script without fonts, keyboard layouts and rendering support cannot be used in the places where writing now happens. Eg. The Dogra script received its own Unicode block in 2018, and usable fonts and input methods remain scarce.
      The Fix: Commission open licensed fonts and an input method, and require them in Union Territory government publishing so the script has a working digital base.
    3. The written corpus is not accessible: Older material in Takri and its modified successor survives largely in temple and private collections rather than in catalogued, digitised archives. Eg. The National Mission for Manuscripts, set up in 2003, catalogues such holdings, and regional collections in scripts with few readers move slowest through it.
      The Fix: Fund a script specific digitisation and transliteration project, so learners have material to read once they can read it.
    4. Official status has not required the script: Recognition for the language and official language status in the Union Territory brought protection to Dogri without obliging anything to be written in its own script. Eg. Government business in the Union Territory runs in Devanagari, Roman and Perso-Arabic.
      The Fix: Mandate the script on official signage, letterheads and certificates, so demand for literacy follows an actual use.

    Conclusion

    The boards make the script visible before they make it legible, and that gap is where comparable revivals have stalled. Recognition for Dogri arrived through a script that was not its own, which is why formal status has never carried the script along with the language. The marker to watch is whether the promised classes and a place in the school syllabus follow the signboards, since a script survives by being written rather than by being displayed.

    Back2Basics: Eighth Schedule of the Constitution

    1. What it lists: The Eighth Schedule names the languages the Union is obliged to develop and enrich. It currently carries 22 languages, against 14 at the Constitution’s commencement.
    2. Where it is used in the Constitution: Article 344(1) provides for an Official Language Commission whose members are drawn from these languages. Article 351 directs the Union to draw on them in developing Hindi.
    3. How a language is added: Inclusion requires a constitutional amendment. Dogri, Bodo, Maithili and Santhali were the most recent additions, made by the 92nd Constitutional Amendment Act.

    [2018, GS1, 10 marks] Safeguarding the Indian art heritage is the need of the moment. Discuss.

  • Antibiotic-resistant infections: Risks, costs

    Why in the News

    Infections caused by antibiotic resistant bacteria are more likely to kill hospitalised patients in India and cost more to treat than infections caused by drug susceptible strains. A surveillance study by the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) records higher mortality, longer hospital stays and higher antibiotic costs where the bacteria resist carbapenems, the broad spectrum antibiotics doctors hold in reserve for serious infections. The study links laboratory resistance results to what then happened to the patient, which Indian resistance surveillance had not previously done at this scale. Most of the severe infections it recorded began inside the hospital rather than in the community. The tension it sets up is between the search for the next antibiotic and the routine work of preventing infection in the first place.

    What is antimicrobial resistance?

    1. Bacteria survive the drugs meant to kill them: Resistant bacteria continue to grow and reproduce in the presence of antibiotics designed to stop them. Treatment narrows to whatever the organism still responds to.
    2. Resistance spreads sideways, not only down generations: Resistant bacteria pass resistance genes to their offspring. They also transfer those genes to unrelated bacteria through the exchange of DNA.
    3. Carbapenem resistance closes the reserve line: Carbapenems are held back for serious infections where other antibiotics have already failed. Resistance to them leaves few effective options behind.

    What did the ICMR surveillance study cover?

    1. Scale and period: The ICMR antimicrobial resistance (AMR) surveillance network studied 159,336 hospitalised patients across 20 tertiary care hospitals between April 2022 and April 2025.
    2. Two of the four bacteria tracked: Escherichia coli causes urinary tract infections. Klebsiella pneumoniae triggers both urinary and lung infections.
    3. The other two: Acinetobacter baumannii causes ventilator associated pneumonia, bloodstream infections, wound and surgical site infections, urinary tract infections and sometimes meningitis. Pseudomonas aeruginosa causes bloodstream, eye and ear infections.
    4. Resistance was the majority finding: Almost 61.1 percent of the patients studied carried infections resistant to carbapenem antibiotics.

    How much does carbapenem resistance raise the risk of death?

    1. Escherichia coli: 24.4 percent of patients with carbapenem resistant infections died, against 17.3 percent of those with susceptible infections. That is a 41 percent higher relative risk of death.
    2. Klebsiella pneumoniae: Mortality was 31.2 percent in the resistant group against 23.5 percent in the susceptible group, a 33 percent higher relative risk.
    3. Acinetobacter baumannii: Mortality was 37.9 percent against 32.8 percent, a 16 percent higher relative risk.
    4. Pseudomonas aeruginosa: Mortality was 28.9 percent against 20.2 percent, a 43 percent higher relative risk.
    5. Bloodstream infections carry the heaviest toll: Among patients with carbapenem resistant bloodstream infections, mortality ran from 39.3 percent for E. coli to 50.8 percent for A. baumannii. It was 44.8 percent for K. pneumoniae and 46.4 percent for P. aeruginosa.

    What does resistance add to the cost of treatment?

    1. Escherichia coli: Antibiotic cost averaged about Rs 39,846 per patient for resistant infections against Rs 20,034 for susceptible ones.
    2. Klebsiella pneumoniae: The corresponding figures were about Rs 55,688 and Rs 47,918.
    3. Acinetobacter baumannii: Treatment cost about Rs 62,150 for resistant infections against Rs 41,372 for susceptible ones.
    4. Pseudomonas aeruginosa: Treatment cost about Rs 66,599 for resistant infections against Rs 48,392 for susceptible ones.
    5. The costing is deliberately conservative: Only antibiotics priced under the Jan Aushadhi scheme were counted. Intensive care, bed and room charges, diagnostic investigations, procedures, supportive care and consultation were all left out, so the real burden on patients and the health system is larger.

    Why does the study point to infection control rather than antibiotic overuse?

    1. The severe infections began in the hospital: More than 85 percent of bloodstream infections across the four bacteria were classified as healthcare associated.
    2. The named failure points are procedural: Healthcare associated transmission, invasive devices, recent surgery and gaps in infection prevention and timely diagnosis are what the study identifies. Reducing the problem to antibiotic overuse alone misplaces it.
    3. Antibiotics cannot substitute for prevention: The measures named are hand hygiene, device associated infection prevention, appropriate insertion and early removal of invasive devices, environmental cleaning, surgical infection prevention and surveillance of healthcare associated infections. Prevention stops the reserve antibiotics from being needed at all.
    4. Diagnostics decide whether prescribing is targeted: Timely diagnostics let a doctor identify the resistant organism and select a narrow, appropriate antibiotic. Without them, broad spectrum drugs are used by default.
    5. Surveillance has to reach the patient, not stop at the isolate: Integrated surveillance connecting laboratory results with mortality and treatment outcomes is what produced these findings. Prescribing data alone would not have shown them.

    What the study could not establish

    1. A tertiary hospital population is not a national average: These hospitals manage referred and often critically ill patients, so the level of resistance found there cannot be read as the level in the country.
    2. Key clinical variables were absent: The data carried no patient level information on how sick each patient was, how quickly appropriate treatment began, the source of the infection or the specific resistance mechanism involved.
    3. The findings describe practice, not drug superiority: The results reflect real world treatment patterns in India. They do not prove that one drug is universally better than another.

    Challenges to containing antimicrobial resistance in India

    1. Antibiotics move without a prescription: Schedule H1 of the Drugs and Cosmetics Rules, 1945 requires a prescription and a separate sales register for named antibiotics, and compliance at the retail counter is weak. Eg. The Red Line campaign marks such medicines with a red stripe on the pack precisely because the schedule alone was not restricting sales.
      The Fix: Link Schedule H1 sales to an electronic prescription record, so the register is generated by the transaction instead of written up after it.
    2. Non human antibiotic use applies constant selection pressure: Antibiotics used for growth promotion and disease prevention in poultry and aquaculture select for resistant bacteria outside any clinical setting. Eg. India banned colistin, a last resort human antibiotic, in food producing animals in 2019 after its use in poultry farming was documented.
      The Fix: Replace single drug bans with a positive list of permitted veterinary antibiotics, enforced through residue testing at the point of procurement.
    3. Manufacturing effluent breeds resistance in the environment: Antibiotic residues discharged from pharmaceutical plants expose environmental bacteria to sub lethal drug concentrations, which is the condition in which resistance develops. Eg. Water bodies receiving effluent from the pharmaceutical cluster at Patancheru near Hyderabad have recorded high antibiotic concentrations.
      The Fix: Notify enforceable antibiotic residue limits for pharmaceutical effluent and make compliance a condition of the plant’s consent to operate.
    4. Infection prevention has no staffing floor: Most Indian hospitals run no dedicated infection control team to conduct hand hygiene and device audits, so prevention has no one accountable for it. Eg. National Accreditation Board for Hospitals and Healthcare Providers (NABH) accreditation requires an infection control programme, and it covers a small share of India’s hospitals.
      The Fix: Make a minimum infection prevention and control staffing norm a condition of hospital empanelment under Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana.
    5. Diagnostic delay forces empirical prescribing: Culture and sensitivity testing capacity sits mainly in large hospitals, and results take days, so smaller facilities start broad spectrum therapy blind. Eg. Rapid molecular testing is routine for drug resistant tuberculosis under the National Tuberculosis Elimination Programme, with no equivalent programme for bacterial bloodstream infections.
      The Fix: Fund rapid molecular resistance testing at district hospital level and tie its use to the hospital’s antibiotic prescribing audit.

    Conclusion

    India’s resistance response has been organised around what is prescribed, because prescribing is what the system can already count. This study relocates the problem to where the infection is acquired, which is a different task with a different owner inside the hospital. The unresolved part is that prevention carries no staffing norm, no dedicated budget line and no measurable output of its own, while prescribing has a surveillance network behind it. The marker to watch is whether prevention starts being counted the way prescribing already is.

    Back2Basics: Jan Aushadhi scheme

    1. What it is: The Pradhan Mantri Bhartiya Janaushadhi Pariyojana supplies quality generic medicines at prices well below their branded equivalents.
    2. Who runs it: It is implemented by the Department of Pharmaceuticals under the Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilizers, through the Pharmaceuticals and Medical Devices Bureau of India.
    3. How it reaches patients: Medicines are sold through dedicated Janaushadhi Kendras rather than through ordinary retail pharmacies.

    [2019] Which of the following are the reasons for the occurrence of multi-drug resistance in microbial pathogens in India?

    1. Genetic predisposition of some people

    2. Taking incorrect doses of antibiotics to cure diseases

    3. Using antibiotics in livestock farming

    4. Multiple chronic diseases in some people

    Select the correct answer using the code given below.

    (a) 1 and 2

    (b) 2 and 3 only

    (c) 1, 3 and 4

    (d) 2, 3 and 4

  • Ground control

    Why in the News

    Nine employee associations of the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) have written to the chairman seeking clarity on staff strength, recruitment and the outsourcing of core functions. The letter was sent on the day the agency recorded its largest success of the year, the launch of its first geosynchronous imaging satellite, EOS-05, on the Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV). The grievance follows from the Indian Space Policy of April 2023, which signalled that ISRO would eventually stop building commercial satellites and launch vehicles and would concentrate on exploratory missions. ISRO has stated that it will not be privatised or reduced, and the Indian National Space Promotion and Authorisation Centre (IN-SPACe), the body set up to enable private participation, has stated that the agency will not be diminished and that only industry’s role must grow. Neither institution has addressed the concern the letter actually raises, which is the loss of jobs. The underlying question is whether the sector’s direction still matches its founding principle, that space technology is an instrument of social development rather than a contest for prestige.

    What does the Indian Space Policy, 2023 set out?

    1. A division of roles: The policy separates the space sector into ISRO, IN-SPACe and NewSpace India Limited, and assigns each a distinct function instead of leaving all of them with ISRO.
    2. ISRO’s redefined remit: ISRO is to move out of routine operational and commercial production of satellites and launch vehicles, and towards research and development in advanced technologies and exploratory missions.
    3. IN-SPACe as the single window: IN-SPACe authorises and supervises the space activities of private entities, so a company deals with one authorising body rather than with the operator of the launch infrastructure.
    4. NewSpace India Limited as the commercial arm: The public sector company under the Department of Space is responsible for commercialising space technologies and platforms developed with public money.

    What are the employee associations asking for?

    1. Staff strength and recruitment: The associations want stated numbers on sanctioned strength and future recruitment, since a shrinking mandate implies a shrinking establishment.
    2. Outsourcing of core functions: The letter distinguishes contracting out manufacturing from contracting out functions the agency treats as core, and seeks clarity on where that line now falls.
    3. The institutional replies avoid the question: Both the agency and the authorisation body have answered on the agency’s continued existence, which was not what was asked.
    4. The timing is the point: The grievance surfaced on a day of technical success, which indicates that the concern is about the institution’s trajectory and not about its capability.

    Which vision of the space programme is the sector following?

    1. The founding principle: The programme was built on a refusal to be drawn into space races and on the use of space technology as a tool for social development, meaning communication, weather and resource mapping for domestic needs.
    2. The competing image: The alternative is space as an emblem of national power, membership of a small club of space faring countries, and a proliferation of startups as evidence of arrival.
    3. The 2035 test the sector is being set: If the sector is to be a source of export earnings and a nucleus of value added services that absorbs skilled labour and creates jobs, hard choices taken now may be justified.
    4. Where the line falls: Joining a bandwagon driven by billionaire ambition and notions of conquest is a different objective from either, and the case for restructuring collapses if that is what it delivers.

    What does the comparison with NASA show?

    1. The budget gap: The National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) operates on $24.4 billion against the Department of Space’s Rs 13,705 crore, roughly 16 times larger.
    2. NASA also contracted: NASA’s budget fell from 0.7% of American gross domestic product in 1966 to 0.1% now, so its own shift to contracting out followed a sustained loss of fiscal share.
    3. Its establishment shrank with it: NASA’s civil service headcount fell from about 36,000 at the peak of the Apollo programme to about 14,000 today, which is the trajectory ISRO’s employees are reading against.
    4. The unaddressed comparator: China’s space programme has not been seriously reckoned with in India’s planning, and it is the one operating at a scale and cadence that directly bears on India’s position.

    Is the new private base the same as the old one?

    1. ISRO never made everything itself: Unlike NASA in its early years, which designed and made every component, ISRO has always had a manufacturing relationship with private industry, including Walchandnagar Industries and Larsen and Toubro.
    2. The entrants are of a different type: The current activity is not established companies building on decades of manufacturing experience but new entrants funded by foreign capital that may not stay.
    3. The business model has shifted: Most new entrants are interested in satellite data as a service rather than in building hardware, which is a different industrial base from the one that supplied the agency.
    4. The transferable capability is therefore narrower: A vendor base built on data services cannot absorb the manufacturing functions ISRO is being asked to shed.

    Challenges to ISRO’s restructuring

    1. In house capability is easy to lose and slow to rebuild: Skills that live in the hands of a small number of engineers disappear once the work is contracted out and the staff are not replaced. Eg. Cryogenic engine development took India close to two decades to master after external supply was cut off.
      The Fix: Ring fence a defined set of critical technologies as retained in house capability, with recruitment sanctioned against them irrespective of outsourcing elsewhere.
    2. The private demand base is thin: A domestic space economy built on data services has few anchor customers other than government departments, so private capacity depends on public orders it is meant to replace. Eg. Earth observation demand in India is dominated by central and State government users.
      The Fix: Commit an anchor procurement volume for satellite data and launch services over a fixed multi year period, so private capacity is built against contracted demand.
    3. Foreign capital in the entrant base is mobile: Startups funded by capital that can exit quickly cannot be relied on to hold strategic capability through a downturn. Eg. Global space venture funding has moved sharply between years, tightening after periods of expansion.
      The Fix: Condition the transfer of any strategic technology on domestic ownership thresholds and on a minimum period of operation in India.
    4. Transferring a launch vehicle is harder than transferring a design: Handing production of a vehicle to industry moves drawings but not the accumulated process knowledge that makes a launch repeatable. Eg. The Small Satellite Launch Vehicle technology transfer to industry involved an extended period of hand holding rather than a clean handover.
      The Fix: Structure every technology transfer with a defined number of jointly executed missions before the agency withdraws.
    5. The regulatory body is also the promoter: IN-SPACe both promotes private participation and authorises it, so the function that grants approvals is the function measured on how many approvals it grants. Eg. Authorisation and promotion sit within one body rather than in separate agencies.
      The Fix: Separate the authorisation function into a statutory regulator with its own appointment process, leaving promotion with the existing body.

    Conclusion

    The agency’s technical record is not what is in question, and a successful launch is precisely why the staffing letter is difficult to dismiss. What is unresolved is that two institutions have given assurances about the agency’s survival while declining to state what happens to the people inside it, and an assurance that avoids the question asked is not an answer. The concrete thing to watch is whether the Department of Space publishes a transparent policy stating sanctioned staff strength, the recruitment pipeline and the specific functions that will remain in house.

    Back2Basics: Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle

    1. What it is: A three stage Indian launch vehicle designed mainly to place communication and other heavier satellites into geosynchronous transfer orbit.
    2. Its stages: It uses a solid first stage with liquid strap on boosters, a liquid second stage, and an indigenous cryogenic upper stage.
    3. Why the cryogenic stage matters: Cryogenic propulsion burns liquid hydrogen with liquid oxygen at very low temperatures, giving the high efficiency needed for the final push to a high orbit, and India developed it after external supply was withheld.
    4. Its record: The vehicle has a higher failure rate than India’s Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle, which is why each successful GSLV flight is treated as a significant outcome.

    [2026] Consider the following statements about involvement of private entities in India’s space programme:

    1. IN-SPACe is an autonomous agency formed to facilitate participation of private entities.

    2. Agnikul Cosmos launched the world’s first flight using 3D-printed rocket engine.

    3. Skyroot Aerospace has developed liquid fuel for GSLV.

    (a) 1 only

    (b) 2 and 3 only

    (c) 1 and 2 only

    (d) 1, 2 and 3