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Judicial Reforms

[4th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Concealing a judge’s dissent, eroding judiciary’s authority

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2023] Constitutionally guaranteed judicial independence is a prerequisite of democracy. Comment.

Linkage: The 2023 PYQ on judicial independence as a prerequisite of democracy directly relates to the Collegium debate. Concealing Justice Nagarathna’s dissent shows how opacity undermines independence by eroding legitimacy and public trust. True independence requires not just freedom from external control but also internal transparency and accountability.

Mentor’s Comment

Transparency in judicial appointments is once again under scrutiny. The recent revelation of Justice B.V. Nagarathna’s dissent on a Collegium recommendation, concealed from the public, has sparked fresh debate on the opacity of India’s judicial system. This piece examines why concealing dissent undermines the judiciary’s legitimacy, what is at stake for democracy, and how reforms could restore accountability in the higher judiciary.

Introduction

Constitutional democracies, as South African jurist Etienne Mureinik observed, thrive on a “culture of justification”, the principle that every exercise of public power must be explained and defended. Indian judges have often invoked this idea to hold governments accountable. Yet, when it comes to the judiciary’s own functioning, particularly the Collegium system of judicial appointments, this principle falters. The recent concealment of Justice B.V. Nagarathna’s dissent on the elevation of Justice Vipul M. Pancholi illustrates the problem starkly: the public is denied access to crucial reasoning behind decisions that shape the judiciary itself.

Why is this news significant?

The dissent of a sitting Supreme Court judge on a Collegium recommendation has surfaced through media leaks, not official disclosure. This is striking because the official resolution uploaded on the Court’s website suggested unanimity. The lack of transparency is troubling not just for one appointment but for the credibility of the entire judicial system. For a country where judges decide on critical questions of liberty and constitutional balance, secrecy corrodes legitimacy and deepens the democratic deficit.

Opacity as the defining feature of the Collegium system

  1. Judge-made law: The Collegium emerged from the Second Judges Case (1993) and was reinforced in the Third Judges Case (1998).
  2. Private deliberations: Decisions are made by the five senior-most judges of the Supreme Court behind closed doors.
  3. Minimal disclosure: Until 2017, no explanations were given. Later, skeletal resolutions were published, with only brief reasons disclosed in 2018 before the practice was abandoned.
  4. Resistance to transparency: Concerns of reputational harm and political interference are cited as justifications for secrecy.

The critical importance of Justice Nagarathna’s dissent

  1. Grave objections concealed: Reports suggest her reservations were serious, but neither her note nor the majority’s reasoning is accessible to the public.
  2. Unclear role of the executive: It is uncertain whether her dissent was even communicated to the Union government, which cleared the appointment within 48 hours.
  3. Democratic deficit: When even dissent within the highest court is hidden, the culture of justification collapses.

Balancing transparency with fairness in judicial appointments

International examples:

  1. Britain: Judicial Appointments Commission publishes criteria and detailed assessment reports.
  2. South Africa: Judicial Service Commission conducts public interviews of candidates.
  3. Indian reality: Transparency is avoided, and even dissent becomes visible only through leaks.
  4. Balancing act: Protecting reputations requires sensitive disclosure, not complete secrecy.

Democratic stakes of a secretive Collegium process

  1. Shaping constitutional outcomes: Judges appointed today decide on civil liberties, executive powers, and Union–State relations.
  2. Institutional legitimacy: Without openness, citizens lose trust in the judiciary.
  3. Contradiction of standards: Courts demand accountability from governments but exempt themselves.

The urgent need for reform in the Collegium system

  1. Self-accountability: A judiciary that explains its decisions strengthens, not weakens, its independence.
  2. Preserving legitimacy: Concealment erodes public trust, while openness anchors authority in people’s confidence.
  3. Past failures: Transparency initiatives have been sporadic and quickly rolled back.
  4. Future imperative: Without reform, the judiciary risks losing moral authority, the very foundation of its role in democracy.

Conclusion

The concealment of Justice Nagarathna’s dissent is not an isolated event but a symptom of the deeper opacity in judicial appointments. If the judiciary insists on accountability from other state organs, it must hold itself to the same standards. A transparent Collegium process will not diminish judicial independence; it will enhance legitimacy, anchor democracy in trust, and ensure that the culture of justification applies to all.

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Port Infrastructure and Shipping Industry – Sagarmala Project, SDC, CEZ, etc.

India’s recent maritime reforms need course correction

Introduction

India’s maritime laws, some over a century old, were recently overhauled through the Ports Bill, Merchant Shipping Act, Coastal Shipping Act, and Carriage of Goods by Sea Bill (2025). The reforms aim to modernise governance, boost ease of doing business, and enhance India’s maritime role. Yet, concerns remain over centralisation, weakened ownership safeguards, excessive discretion, and burdens on smaller players, raising questions about federal balance.

Why Is This News Significant

The Ports Bill, 2025 centralises decision-making under a Maritime State Development Council, curbing State autonomy in port development. The Merchant Shipping Act allows partial foreign ownership of Indian-flagged vessels, ending the earlier full Indian ownership rule. Critics argue these changes favour big corporations and the Centre, while sidelining coastal States and small operators, with implications for India’s maritime sovereignty.

Progress and Pitfalls of Maritime Modernisation

  1. Comprehensive reform: New laws collectively update fragmented, outdated frameworks, covering shipping finance, offshore operations, safety, liability, and training.
  2. Ease of business: The Ports Act aims to create coherence in regulation, promoting sustainable development and investment.
  3. Legislative haste: Bills passed without serious debate or standing committee review, raising concerns about lack of consensus and scrutiny.

The Ports Act and the Federal Balance

  1. Centralisation of authority: Maritime State Development Council empowers the Centre to dictate State maritime policies.
  2. Erosion of fiscal autonomy: Coastal States cannot adjust frameworks independently; central plans like Sagarmala and Gati Shakti override local priorities.
  3. Federal subordination: Critics argue this undermines cooperative federalism, reducing States to implementers of central schemes.

Eroding Safeguards in Shipping Ownership

  1. Loophole in Indian-flag ownership: Merchant Shipping Act allows partial foreign/OCI ownership; exact thresholds left to government discretion.
  2. Risk of flag-of-convenience: Executive may dilute ownership norms, letting foreign operators control Indian ships indefinitely.
  3. BBCD mechanism: Bareboat Charter-Cum-Demise leasing recognised, but risks foreign lessors retaining de facto control.

Small Operators and Dispute Resolution Challenges

  1. Vague compliance norms: Discretionary powers could overwhelm smaller port operators with compliance burdens.
  2. Clause 17 controversy: Bars civil courts from port-related disputes; relies on internal committees lacking impartiality.
  3. Investment deterrence: Absence of independent judicial oversight could erode investor confidence.

Coastal Shipping: Protecting or Undermining Local Players?

  1. Cabotage protection: Only Indian-flagged vessels can engage in coastal trade — in principle, safeguarding domestic players.
  2. DG Shipping’s sweeping powers: Licences to foreign vessels on broad grounds like “national security” or “strategic alignment.”
  3. Impact on fishing industry: Smaller players face heavy reporting burdens without clarity on data use or safeguards.
  4. Central dominance: National Coastal and Inland Shipping Strategic Plan reduces State-level say in coastal regulation.

Conclusion

India’s maritime reforms are necessary but flawed. The package risks over-centralisation, weakened sovereignty, and burdens on smaller operators, even as it promises modernisation. True reform requires transparent ownership rules, impartial dispute resolution, and genuine cooperative federalism. Otherwise, the reforms may deliver short-term ease of business but compromise India’s federal balance and maritime security.

Value Addition

Key Provisions of the Indian Ports Bill, 2025 (replacing Indian Ports Act, 1908)

  1. State Maritime Boards:
    • Statutory recognition: Boards set up by coastal States now have a legal mandate.
    • Functions: Planning & developing port infrastructure, granting licenses, fixing tariffs, ensuring compliance with safety, security, and environmental norms.
  2. Maritime State Development Council (MSDC):
    • Composition: Chaired by Union Minister of Ports, Shipping and Waterways; includes State Ministers, Navy & Coast Guard representatives, and Union Ministry officials.
    • Role: Issues guidelines on port data, ensures tariff transparency, advises Centre on national maritime plans, legislative adequacy, and connectivity.
  3. Dispute Resolution Committee (DRC):
    • Jurisdiction: Resolves disputes between non-major ports, concessionaires, users, and service providers.
    • Appeals: Lie with High Courts; civil courts barred.
    • Flexibility: Agreements may allow arbitration or alternative dispute resolution.
  4. Tariffs:
    • Major Ports: Fixed by Board of Major Port Authority/Company Board.
    • Non-Major Ports: Fixed by State Maritime Boards or their concessionaires.
  5. Port Officers:
    • Conservator: Chief port officer with powers over anchoring, berthing, movement, obstruction clearance, and fee recovery.
    • New functions: Preventing disease spread, assessing damage, adjudicating penalties.
  6. Safety and Environmental Protection:
    • MARPOL & Ballast Water Management Convention compliance mandatory.
    • New obligations: Waste reception facilities, emergency preparedness, pollution containment, and regular central audits.
  7. Offences and Penalties:
    • Continuity: Retains offences under 1908 Act (non-compliance, impeding navigation, damage to port property).
    • Decriminalisation: Certain offences now carry monetary fines; first-time violations can be compounded.
  8. New offences:
    • Imprisonment up to 6 months for endangering vessel safety, disturbing seabed.
    • Monetary penalties for unnotified port operations, failure to report/manage pollution, or ignoring DRC orders.

PYQ Relevance:

[UPSC 2022] What are the maritime security challenges in India? Discuss the organisational, technical and procedural initiatives taken to improve maritime security.

Linkage: India’s maritime reforms (2025) strengthen security through MARPOL compliance, waste management, and statutory State Maritime Boards, but also create vulnerabilities. Dilution of vessel ownership, centralisation via MSDC, and weak dispute resolution raise concerns of sovereignty and resilience. Thus, reforms reflect both organisational advances and new security risks, linking directly to India’s maritime security challenges.

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Minority Issues – SC, ST, Dalits, OBC, Reservations, etc.

Should reservations exceed the 50% cap?

Introduction

Reservations have always stood at the crossroads of social justice and equality of opportunity in India. While Articles 15 and 16 of the Constitution of India empower the state to address historical discrimination, the judicially imposed 50% cap has often clashed with demands for greater inclusivity. Recent developments, from Maharashtra’s acceptance of Maratha demands to calls for caste census and creamy layer reform, have amplified questions on whether the reservation system remains equitable, representative, and sustainable.

The Current Moment of Reckoning

The debate has reached a critical juncture because:

  1. Political promises like Bihar opposition leader Tejashwi Yadav’s proposal for 85% reservations directly challenge the 50% ceiling.
  2. Judicial scrutiny continues, with the Supreme Court questioning whether creamy layer exclusion should extend to SCs and STs.
  3. Empirical concerns such as 40–50% of reserved seats remaining unfilled, and the Rohini Commission’s revelation that 97% of OBC benefits are cornered by 25% castes, highlight structural inequities.

This combination of political assertion, judicial intervention, and social critique makes the issue highly consequential.

Articles 15 and 16: The constitutional basis of equality and reservation

  1. Equality mandate: Article 15 guarantees equality in state actions, including education; Article 16 guarantees equality in public employment.
  2. Special provisions: Both allow the state to make reservations for OBCs, SCs, and STs.
  3. Present levels: At the central level, reservations stand at 59.5% (OBC – 27%, SC – 15%, ST – 7.5%, EWS – 10%).

Judicial rulings on reservation and equality

  1. Balaji vs State of Mysore (1962): Reservations must be “within reasonable limits” and capped at 50%; seen as upholding formal equality.
  2. N.M. Thomas (1975): Saw reservations as a continuation of equality of opportunity (substantive equality), but gave no ruling on the cap.
  3. Indra Sawhney (1992): Upheld 27% OBC quota, reaffirmed 50% ceiling, and introduced creamy layer exclusion for OBCs.
  4. Janhit Abhiyan (2022): Validated 10% EWS quota; held that 50% limit applies only to backward classes.
  5. Davinder Singh (2024): Suggested considering creamy layer exclusion for SCs and STs.

Challenges to the 50% ceiling on reservations

  1. Population logic: Backward classes form a larger share than reflected in current quotas; caste census demanded to get exact numbers.
  2. Unfilled vacancies: 40–50% of reserved seats for OBC/SC/ST remain unfilled at the central level.
  3. Sub-caste concentration: Rohini Commission showed extreme skew in OBC benefits—about 1,000 communities have zero representation.

The problem of concentration of reservation benefits

  1. OBCs: 97% benefits go to ~25% sub-castes.
  2. SCs/STs: Similar skew; absence of creamy layer exclusion means relatively better-off sub-castes capture opportunities.
  3. Policy vacuum: Despite judicial nudges, the Centre reaffirmed in August 2024 that creamy layer does not apply to SC/ST.

The way forward for India’s reservation system

  1. Balancing equality: Increasing quota to 85% may violate equality of opportunity, but substantive equality demands better targeting.
  2. Caste census 2027: Could offer empirical basis for restructured reservation.
  3. Sub-categorisation: Rohini Commission’s recommendations need urgent implementation.
  4. Two-tier system: Priority for the most marginalised within SC/STs could prevent elite capture.
  5. Beyond reservation: Skill development and private sector opportunities are crucial, given shrinking public jobs.

Conclusion

India’s reservation policy is at an inflection point. Expanding quotas without reforming their structure risks perpetuating inequity within communities. A nuanced approach, backed by caste census data, sub-categorisation, and skill-building, can ensure that reservations remain a tool for empowerment rather than a political slogan. The challenge lies in balancing constitutional guarantees of equality with the imperative of social justice in a diverse democracy.

PYQ Relevance:

[UPSC 2019] Performance of welfare schemes that are implemented for vulnerable sections is not so effective due to absence of their awareness and active involvement at all stages of policy process, Discuss.

Linkage: The 2019 question highlights how welfare schemes for vulnerable sections often fail due to lack of awareness and skewed access. The same issue is reflected in India’s reservation policy: despite constitutional backing, 40–50% of reserved seats remain unfilled, and the Rohini Commission revealed that 97% of OBC benefits are cornered by just 25% sub-castes, leaving nearly 1,000 communities with no representation at all. This shows that affirmative action, much like welfare schemes, risks becoming ineffective unless equitable distribution, sub-categorisation, awareness generation, and active participation of the most marginalised are ensured.

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Goods and Services Tax (GST)

GST Council approves two-rate tax slab effective September 22

Why in the News?

In its 56th meeting, the Goods and Services Tax (GST) Council approved a two-rate structure with special category rates, effective 22 September 2025.

What is GST?

  • Overview: A comprehensive, multi-stage, destination-based indirect tax on goods and services.
  • Launch: Introduced 1 July 2017 via 101st Constitutional Amendment Act, 2016.
  • Objective: “One Nation, One Tax” to reduce cascading taxes, simplify compliance, and expand base.
  • Earlier Structure: Five slabs initially (0, 5, 12, 18, 28%) plus cess on luxury/sin goods.
  • Exemptions: Essential items like food grains, medicines, education; petroleum, alcohol, electricity remain outside GST.

About GST Council:

  • Constitutional Basis: Created under Article 279A (inserted by the Constitution (One Hundred and First Amendment) Act, 2016).
  • Composition: Chaired by Union Finance Minister, with MoS Finance and all state finance/taxation ministers.
  • Voting: Centre – one-third weight, States – two-thirds; requires 75% weighted votes for decisions.
  • Meetings: Held quarterly; over 55 meetings so far.
  • Role: Decides on rates, exemptions, compliance, and dispute resolution, making it a key fiscal federal institution.

GST Council approves two-rate tax slab effective September 22

New GST Rate Structure:

  • Simplification: At the 56th GST Council meeting (Sept 2025), slabs reduced to two rates plus a special rate.
  • Main Slabs: 5% and 18% apply on most goods and services.
  • Special 40% Rate: Levied on sin goods (tobacco, pan masala, aerated drinks) and super-luxury items (large cars, yachts, private aircraft).
  • Rate Reductions:
    • Daily-use items (soap, shampoo, toothpaste, bicycles, kitchenware) now at 5%.
    • Cement down from 28% to 18%.
    • Small cars, motorcycles <350cc, ACs, TVs, dishwashers shifted to 18%.
    • Food staples (milk, paneer, rotis, chapatis, parathas) at 0%.
    • Life-saving drugs, spectacles corrected to 0–5%.
  • Inverted Duty Fix: Man-made fibre, yarn, fertilizers, acids, ammonia cut to 5%.
  • Revenue Impact: Estimated loss of ₹48,000 crore, expected to be offset by higher compliance and buoyancy.
[UPSC 2017] What is/are the most likely advantages of implementing ‘Goods and Services Tax (GST)’?

1. It will replace multiple taxes collected by multiple authorities and will thus create a single market in India.

2. It will drastically reduce the ‘Current Account Deficit’ of India and will enable it to increase its foreign exchange reserves.

3. It will enormously increase the growth and size of the economy of India and will enable it to overtake China in the near future.

Select the correct answer using the code given below:

Options: (a) 1 only * (b) 2 and 3 only (c) 1 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3

 

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Parliament – Sessions, Procedures, Motions, Committees etc

[pib] Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS)

Why in the News?

The Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI) recently organized a national workshop on the e-SAKSHI web portal and mobile app for the Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS).

About MPLADS:

  • Overview: A Central Sector Scheme, launched in 1993, to empower MPs to recommend developmental works in their constituencies, focusing on durable community assets addressing local needs.
  • Administration: Initially under the Ministry of Rural Development; Since 1994, managed by MoSPI.
  • Implementation:
    • State-level nodal department supervises implementation.
    • District authorities sanction projects, release funds, and ensure execution.
  • Funding:
    • Each MP gets ₹5 crore per year (since 2011–12).
    • Disbursed by MoSPI in two instalments of ₹2.5 crore each to district authorities.
    • Funds are non-lapsable i.e. carried forward if unutilized.
  • Targeted Allocation: Minimum 15% for SCs and 7.5% for STs.
  • Special Provisions:
    • Up to ₹25 lakh annually can be spent outside constituency/state for national unity projects.
    • Up to ₹1 crore can be allocated nationwide during severe natural calamities.
  • Eligible Projects:
    • Durable community assets (e.g., libraries, community halls, ambulances, sports infrastructure, sanitation).
    • MPLADS funds can be converged with MGNREGS or integrated with Khelo India for asset creation.
    • Support allowed on lands of registered societies/trusts (3+ years old) engaged in welfare work.
    • Prohibited for societies/trusts where the MP/family are office-bearers.
  • Transparency Measures:
    • Plaque with MP’s name and project details must be installed at project sites.
    • Project details listed in district offices, MPLADS website, and accessible via RTI.
  • Monitoring & Audit:
    • District authorities inspect at least 10% of projects annually.
    • Funds audited by statutory auditors.
    • Regular review meetings at state and central levels.
  • e-SAKSHI platform: Enables MPs to digitally recommend, monitor, and track MPLADS projects, improving transparency, accountability, and efficiency in fund utilization.
[UPSC 2020] With reference to the funds under Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS), which of the following statements are correct?

1. MPLADS funds must be used to create durable assets like physical infrastructure for health, education, etc.

2. A specified portion of each MP’s ‘fund must benefit SC/ST populations.

3. MPLADS funds are sanctioned on yearly basis and the unused funds cannot be carried forward to the next year.

4. The district authority must inspect at least 10% of all works under implementation every year.

Select the correct answer using the code given below:

Options: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 3 and 4 only (c) 1, 2 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 4 only*

 

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Agricultural Sector and Marketing Reforms – eNAM, Model APMC Act, Eco Survey Reco, etc.

[pib] Coconut Development Board (CDB)

Why in the News?

The World Coconut Day (2nd September) was recently celebrated by the Coconut Development Board (CDB).

About Coconut Development Board (CDB):

  • Establishment: Created on 12 January 1981; statutory body under the Ministry of Agriculture & Farmers Welfare.
  • Headquarters & Offices: HQ at Kochi, Kerala; regional offices in Bengaluru, Chennai, Guwahati, and Patna.
  • Mandate: Integrated development of coconut production and utilization with focus on productivity, processing, and product diversification.
  • Functions: Provides technical advice and financial aid to farmers/processors; promotes modern technology adoption, value addition, pricing & marketing measures, and export promotion.
  • Welfare Schemes: Implements farmer-focused programs like Coconut Palm Insurance Mission and Kera Suraksha.

Back2Basics: Coconut Cultivation in India

  • Global Standing: India is the third-largest coconut producer, contributing about 31.45% of world output.
  • Production: In 2023–24, India produced 153.29 lakh MT from an area of 23.33 lakh ha.
  • Productivity: Average productivity at 9,871 nuts/ha, among the highest globally.
  • Leading States: Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh account for ~90% of production. Kerala and TN lead, Karnataka has risen sharply, AP contributes ~8%.
  • Economic Value: Sector contributed ₹27,199.5 crore GVO and ₹30,795.6 crore GDP share in 2022–23.
  • Exports: In 2022–23, India exported coconut products worth ₹3,554.23 crore (US $452 million) including copra, oil, coir, activated carbon, and value-added foods.
  • Employment Impact: Supports 12+ million livelihoods; 15,000+ coir industries employ nearly 6 lakh workers.

 

[UPSC 2022] With reference to the “Tea Board” in India, consider the following statements:

1. The Tea Board is a statutory body.

2. It is a regulatory body attached to the Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare.

3. The Tea Board’s Head Office is situated in Bengaluru.

4. The Board has overseas offices at Dubai and Moscow.

Which of the statements given above are correct ?

Options: (a) 1 and 3 (b) 2 and 4 (c) 3 and 4 (d) 1 and 4*

 

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Citizenship and Related Issues

Foreigners Tribunal (FT) can issue Arrest Warrants

Why in the News?

The Union Home Ministry empowered Foreigners Tribunals (FTs), especially in Assam, to detain suspected illegal immigrants in designated camps, a power earlier exercised only through executive orders.

About Foreigners Tribunal (FT):

  • Nature: Quasi-judicial bodies constituted under the Foreigners (Tribunal) Order, 1964, framed under the Foreigners Act, 1946.
  • Purpose: Decide whether a person is a foreigner/illegal immigrant, especially in the context of Assam’s border migration issues.
  • Cases handled:
    • References from border police against suspected foreigners.
    • Cases of “D” (doubtful) voters flagged by the Election Commission.
  • Composition: Members drawn from retired judges, advocates, and civil servants with judicial experience; capped at 3 members per tribunal.
  • Functioning:
    • FTs exercise powers of a civil court (summons, evidence, witness examination).
    • Required to dispose of cases within 60 days of reference.
    • Burden of proof lies on the individual to establish citizenship (Section 9, Foreigners Act).
  • Present Status: About 100 FTs operational in Assam (expanded after NRC-2019). No FTs in other states, where suspected foreigners are tried in local courts.

New Provisions under the Immigration and Foreigners Act, 2025:

  • Replacement: Replaces the Foreigners (Tribunal) Order, 1964, now part of the comprehensive Immigration and Foreigners Act, 2025.
  • Detention Powers: For the first time, FTs are empowered to detain suspected illegal immigrants in designated transit camps, a power earlier exercised through executive orders.
  • Judicial Authority:
    • Powers of a civil court under CPC, 1908.
    • Powers of a judicial magistrate (first class) under Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023 — including issuing arrest warrants, ordering detention, and directing personal appearance.
  • Ex-parte Orders: Can be set aside if the appellant files a review within 30 days.
  • Scope: Though applicable nationwide, functional relevance remains in Assam.
  • Restrictions on Employment: Bars foreigners from working in strategic sectors (defence, nuclear energy, petroleum, power, water supply, space, human rights) without Central government approval.
  • Border Security Measures: Border forces/Coast Guard to record biometrics and demographic data of illegal entrants before pushing them back.
  • Grounds for Refusal of Stay: Foreigners convicted of terrorism, espionage, narcotics trafficking, organized crime, human trafficking, cybercrime, child abuse, crimes against humanity, etc., can be refused entry or deported.
  • Exemptions: Citizens of Nepal, Bhutan, Tibetans, and Sri Lankan Tamils exempted under a special 2025 order.
[UPSC 2009] Consider the following statements:

1. Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT) was set up during the Prime Ministership of Lal Bahadur Shastri.

2. The Members for CAT are drawn from both judicial and administrative streams.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

Options: (a) 1 only (b) 2 only* (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2

 

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Climate Change Negotiations – UNFCCC, COP, Other Conventions and Protocols

Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdictions (BBNJ) Agreement

Why in the News?

The Ministry of Earth Sciences has formed a 12-member committee led by SC lawyer Sanjay Upadhyay to draft a new national law safeguarding India’s maritime and economic interests under the 2023 High Seas Treaty (BBNJ Agreement).

About the BBNJ (High Seas Treaty) Agreement:

  • Overview: International treaty under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), focusing on biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction (high seas).
  • Objective: Conservation and sustainable use of marine biodiversity in international waters (covering ~64% of the world’s oceans).
  • Scope of Provisions:
    • Establishment of Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) in high seas.
    • Regulation of seabed mining and extractive activities.
    • Fair and equitable sharing of benefits from marine genetic resources.
    • Mandatory environmental impact assessments (EIAs) before major projects.
    • Use of both scientific and traditional knowledge, guided by the precautionary principle.
  • Relation to UNCLOS: Would be the third implementing agreement, alongside:
    • 1994 Part XI Implementation Agreement (seabed mineral resources).
    • 1995 UN Fish Stocks Agreement (conservation of migratory fish stocks).
  • Adoption & Status:
    • Agreed in March 2023, open for signature for 2 years from September 2023.
    • Enters into force 120 days after the 60th ratification (currently ratified by 55 countries).
[UPSC 2022] With reference to the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea, consider the following statements:

1. A coastal state has the right to establish the breadth of its territorial sea up to a limit not exceeding 12 nautical miles, measured from baseline determined in accordance with the convention.

2. Ships of all states, whether coastal or land-locked, enjoy the right of innocent passage through the territorial sea.

3. The Exclusive Economic Zone shall not extend beyond 200 nautical miles from the baseline from which the breadth of the territorial sea is measured.

Which of the statements given above are correct?

Options: (a) 1 and 2 only (b) 2 and 3 only (c) 1 and 3 only (d) 1, 2 and 3*

 

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