💥UPSC 2026, 2027, 2028 UAP Mentorship (March Batch) + Access XFactor Notes & Microthemes PDF

Type: op-ed snap

  • Poverty Eradication – Definition, Debates, etc.

    What the NFHS data reveals about inequality in India

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Gini

    Mains level: Paper 2- Analysing NHFS-5 data

    Context

    The release of the NFHS data (and the Niti Aayog’s study on developing a multi-dimensional index of poverty — MPI) has led to a considerable amount of discussion, and justifiably so.

    Understanding the progress and development: MPI

    • The MPI is an Oxford-based initiative that develops an exclusive broadly non-monetary living standard index of poverty.
    • MPI indices are the third in the series of global studies on poverty.
    • Global studies on poverty: Global studies started with the World Bank’s income/consumption-based measure of absolute poverty.
    • The UN expanded the monetary index adding health and education indicators via the Human Development Index (HDI).

    Evolution of poverty over time

    • Like with the other poverty indices (World Bank and HDI), most information and useful policy analysis comes via a study of the inter-temporal evolution of poverty. 
    • Regional inequality: Ajit Ranade acknowledges that regional inequality has existed for some time, but he argues that poverty incidence across Indian states even as per the MPI is astoundingly unequal.
    • T N Ninan talks about the simultaneous existence of Africa’s Sahel region and the Philippines in India.
    • He finds that the two Indias are not getting any closer.
    • Indeed, India’s development trajectory has not been uniform, but the regional imbalance of development cannot be viewed at a fixed point in time.

    Analysing the NHFS data

    • A detailed examination of the summary statistics reported in the NFHS data (large and small states of India for the two years 2015-16 and 2019-21), reveals the opposite result.
    • Convergence: The analysis reveals remarkable convergence in living standards, a convergence possibly unparalleled in Indian history and in the space of just five years.
    • NFHS reports the averages for all states, and for 131 variables, for two years 2015-16 and 2020-21.
    • Seventeen of these 131 welfare indicators are used to construct indices under four classifications.
    • Improvement in lives of girls/women: The first classification concerns itself with the improvement in the lives of girls/women (five indicators, for example, sex ratio, fertility, female education).
    • Housing conditions: The second bucket consists of housing conditions (three indicators, for example, improved sanitation, clean fuel).
    • Children’s welfare: The third list consists of children’s welfare (four indicators such as adequate diet, stunting)
    • Women’s welfare: The fourth classification includes women’s empowerment (five indicators, for example, owning a house, less spousal violence).
    • Given that Niti Aayog’s report primarily relies on the NFHS-4, these findings can be used as the baseline scenario to evaluate the delta — that is, the per cent change in indicators between NFHS-4 and NFHS-5.
    • The table reports the results for several states.

    • Seventeen indicators imply a maximum possible score of 1,700.
    • Kerala performs the best with an aggregate index of 1,300 in NFHS-5 — a very small 1.5 per cent increase from its 2015-16 value.
    • In contrast, Bihar increases its index by 56 per cent.
    • Punjab does better than Tamil Nadu and today has a higher index – 1,240 versus 1,178 in 2020-21.
    • UP (along with Rajasthan and MP) performs the best — a 60 plus per cent increase in the welfare index, more than five times the increase in the rich states.

    Major findings from the NHFS data

    • Convergence: Higher improvement by less developed states is evidence in support of catch-up, which suggests that regional imbalances are reducing, and in some indicators, rapidly so.
    • States such as UP, Bihar and Jharkhand are fast approaching similar standards for select indicators as some of the “developed” states.
    • Result of targeted intervention: This acceleration in catch up is no coincidence, but rather an outcome of an approach that involves targeted interventions to improve developmental outcomes.
    • The approach was not just limited to sanitation, proper fuel or electricity — interventions that are targeted to an individual household — but also to the holistic development of an entire region.

    Consider the question “What does NHFS-5 data reveal about the inequality in India?”

    Conclusion

    India has been, and was, not one but several Indias. What is remarkable about its recent history is the rapid process of uneven change — where progress is considerably higher for the poorer states — the convergent, and inclusive pattern of development. That is the real story behind the NFHS-4 and NFHS-5 numbers.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

     

  • Judicial Pendency

    Unresolved constitutional cases

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Not much

    Mains level: Paper 2- Unresolved constitutional cases and their implications

    Context

    As 2021 draws to a close, a look at the Supreme Court of India’s docket reveals a host of highly significant constitutional cases that were long-pending when the year began, and are now simply a year older without any sign of resolution around the corner.

    How delay in judicial process matters differently for the State and individual?

    • While the violation of rights — whether through executive or legislative action — is relatively costless for the state, it is the individual, or individuals, who pay the price.
    • Making the Constitution effective: Consequently, a Constitution is entirely ineffective if a rights-violating status quo is allowed to exist and perpetuate for months, or even years, before it is finally resolved.
    • This point, of course, is not limited to the violation of rights, but extends to all significant constitutional questions that arise in the course of controversial state action.
    • Missing the accountability: Issues around the federal structure, elections, and many others, all involve questions of power and accountability, and the longer that courts take to resolve such cases, the more we move from a realm of accountability to a realm of impunity.
    • The longer such cases are left hanging without a decision, the greater the damage that is inflicted upon our constitutional democracy’s commitment to the rule of law.

    Significant cases that are unresolved

    [a] Challenge to the dilution of Article 370

    • There is the constitutional challenge to the Presidential Orders of August 5, 2019, that effectively diluted Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, and bifurcated the State of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories, controlled by the Centre.
    • It raises the question of whether the Centre can take advantage of an Article 356 situation in a State — a time when no elected government and Assembly is in existence — to make permanent and irreversible alterations in the very structure of the State itself.
    •  Implications for federal structure: The answer will have important ramifications not just for Jammu and Kashmir but for the entire federal structure:
    • India has a long history of the abuse of Article 356 to “get rid of” inconvenient State governments, and a further expansion of the power already enjoyed by the Centre will skew an already tilted federal scheme even further.
    • Power of the Parliament to alter convert State into UT: The case also raises the question of whether, under the Constitution, the Union Legislature has the authority not simply to alter State boundaries (a power granted to it by Article 3 of the Constitution), but degrade a State into a Union Territory.
    • If it turned out that the Union Legislature does have this power, it would essentially mean that India’s federal structure is entirely at the mercy of Parliament.

    [2] Constitutional challenge to the electoral bond scheme

    • Opaque and structurally biased: The electoral bonds scheme authorises limitless, anonymous corporate donations to political parties, making election funding both entirely opaque to the people, as well as being structurally biased towards the party that is in power at the Centre.
    • Impact on integrity and right of the citizens to informed vote: In numerous central and State election cycles in the last four years, thousands of crores of rupees have been spent in anonymous political donations, thus impacting not only the integrity of the election process but also the constitutional right of citizens to an informed vote.
    • However, other than two interim orders, the Supreme Court has refused to accord a full hearing to the constitutional challenge.

    [3] Other significant cases

    • Statutory basis of the CBI: As far back as 2013, the Gauhati High Court held that the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) was not established under any statutory authority.
    • This verdict was immediately stayed when it was appealed to the Supreme Court, but in the intervening years, it has never been heard.
    • Challenge to the CAA: More recently, constitutional challenges to the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), filed in the immediate aftermath of the legislation’s enactment, remain unheard.
    • Challenge to the UAPA: The challenges to the much-criticised Section 43(D)(5) of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, which makes the grant of bail effectively impossible, and is responsible for the years-long incarceration of several people.
    • The challenge to Section 43(D)(5) is perhaps the case that most directly affects civil rights, as the section continues to be applied on a regular basis.

    Implications of the delay

    • Favouring one party: The Supreme Court’s inaction is not neutral, but rather, favours the beneficiaries of the status quo.
    • In other words, by not deciding, the Court is in effect deciding — in favour of one party — but without a reasoned judgment that justifies its stance.
    • Impact on accountability: Judicial evasion of this kind is also damaging for the accountability of the judiciary itself.
    • The Court’s inaction plays as significant a role on the ground as does its action, there is no judgment — and no reasoning — that the public can engage with.
    • Impact on the rule of law: For obvious reasons, this too has a serious impact on the rule of law.

    Consider the question “What are the implications of the delay in deciding the constitutionally significant cases? Suggest the way forward.”

    Conclusion

    The current CJI has been on record stressing the importance of the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary. One way of demonstrating that in action might be to hear — and decide — the important constitutional cases pending before the Court.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Air Pollution

    Centre and states must work together to tackle the pollution in the NCR

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Not much

    Mains level: Paper 3- Tackling air pollution through solar farming

    Context

    Supreme Court (SC) judges have pulled up the Delhi and central governments for not doing enough to correct the dire air quality situation. They also remarked on what message we are sending to the world.

    The pollution problem raises doubt about the quality of urbanisation in India

    •  If one looks at the capitals of G20 countries, Delhi’s air quality index (AQI) during November 1-15, is by far the worst at 312, as per World Air Quality Index Project.
    •  India’s distinction goes beyond Delhi.
    • As per the World Air Quality Report of 2020, prepared by IQAir (a Swiss organisation), of the 30 most polluted cities in the world, 22 are in India.
    • The problem is much deeper, raising doubts about the quality of our urbanisation.

    Contributing sources and their share

    • Contributing sources: As per the report of the Ministry of Environment, Forest, and Climate Change submitted to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change following sources contribute in the given proportion:
    • Energy generation (largely coal-based thermal power) is the biggest culprit with a share of 44 per cent in greenhouse gas emissions,
    • Energy generation is followed by manufacturing and construction-18 per cent.
    • Agriculture-14 per cent.
    • Transport-13 per cent industrial processes and product use- 8 per cent and waste burning- 3 per cent.

    Suggestions to tackle Delhi’s pollution

    • As per the System of Air Quality Forecasting and Research (SAFAR), the reasons for poor AQI differ day to day.
    • On a particular day, say November 7, stubble burning contributed 48 per cent of Delhi’s air pollution, which fell to just 2 per cent on November 18.
    • Reduce rice cultivation: The Centre needs to sit down with neighbouring states and come up with a plan to reduce the rice area in this belt, which is already depleting the water table, creating methane and nitrous oxide, to incentivise farmers to switch to other crops through better returns than in rice cultivation.
    • Adopt EVs: To tackle vehicular pollution, we need a massive drive towards electric vehicles (EVs), and later towards green hydrogen when it becomes competitive with fossil fuels.
    • Charging stations: Scaling up EVs quickly demands creating charging stations on a war footing.
    • Develop carbon sink: Delhi also needs a good carbon sink.
    • Rejuvenating the Ridge area with dense forests and developing thick forests on both sides of the Yamuna may help.

    Enhancing farmers income through solar farming

    •  The Prime Minister has done a commendable job in Glasgow to commit that 50 per cent of India’s energy will be from renewable sources by 2030.
    • To replace coal in energy generation, solar and wind is the way to go at the all-India level.
    • The current model in solar energy is heavily tilted towards companies.
    • They are setting up large solar farms on degraded or less fertile lands.
    • We can supplement that model by developing solar farms on farmers’ fields.
    • This would require solar panels to be fixed at a 10 feet height with due spacing to let enough sunlight come to the plants for photosynthesis.
    • These “solar trees” can then become the “third crop” for the farmers, earning them regular income throughout the year, provided the law allows them to sell this power to the national grid.
    • The Delhi government’s pilot in Ujwa KVK land on these lines showed that farmers can earn up to Rs 1 lakh per acre per year from this “solar farming”.
    • This is on top of the two crops they can keep growing under those solar trees.
    • This will double farmers’ income within a year.

    Conclusion

    As deteriorating air quality grips the whole country, we need to work on multiple levels with coordination to tackle the problem.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Foreign Policy Watch: India-Russia

    Realising the potential of India-Russia ties

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: S-400

    Mains level: Paper 2- India- Russia ties in the changed geopolitical context

    Context

    The Russian president is on visit to India. Visits by Russian presidents to India always invoke a sense of nostalgia. The Moscow-Delhi relationship dates back to the Cold War era and it has been strong ever since.

    Factors limiting the possibilities for bilateral partnership

    • The conflict between Russia and the West: One factor is the continuing conflict between the Kremlin and the West.
    • Absence of trade between India and Russia: The other is the absence of a thriving commercial relationship between India and Russia.
    • India-US relations: India’s relations with Washington has never been as intense as it is today.
    • Russia-China relations: Moscow’s embrace of Beijing is tighter than ever.
    • The US-China rivalry: That the US and China are now at each other’s throats makes the great power dynamic a lot more complicated for India and Russia.

    Importance of trade ties

    • Need for robust business ties: That Delhi and Moscow have problems with the best friend of the other would have been more manageable if business ties between India and Russia were solid.
    • Where India and Russia have greater freedom is in the economic domain, but their failure to boost the commercial relationship has been stark.
    • India-Russia annual trade in goods is stuck at about $10 billion.
    • Slow progress on enhancing trade and investment ties: During the last 20 summits with Putin, the two sides have repeatedly affirmed the importance of enhancing trade and investment ties; but progress has been hard to come by.
    • How to fix the problem? The problem clearly can’t be fixed at the level of governments.
    • The Russian business elites gravitate to Europe and China. The Indian corporations are focused on America and China.

    Russia-US ties and its implications for India

    • Implications for India? The structural constraints posed by the great power dynamic and vastly different appreciation of the regional security environment could be reduced if matters improve between Washington and Moscow.
    • In Washington, the Biden administration recognises the importance of ending this permanent crisis in US-Russian relations.
    • Winning a strategic competition with China: The Biden administration, which is focused on winning the intensifying strategic competition with China, values a stable relationship with Russia.
    •  Nothing pleases Moscow more than the image of being Washington’s equal on the global stage.
    • Relief for India: A less conflictual relationship between Washington and Moscow will be a huge relief for India; but Delhi can’t nudge them closer to each other.

    Why the partnership with India matters to Russia

    • Dangers of excessive reliance on China: Persistent conflict with the US, Europe, and Japan have moved Moscow ever closer to Beijing.
    • But Moscow knows the dangers of relying solely on a neighbour which has risen to greatness — the Chinese economy at nearly $15 trillion today is nearly 10 times larger than that of Russia.
    • Sustaining the traditional partnership with India: While resetting Russia’s relations with the West is hard, sustaining the traditional partnership with Delhi is of some political value to Moscow.
    • Longstanding defence ties: Russia is pleased that the S-400 missile sale has gone through despite strong US opposition.
    • For it signals Delhi’s commitment not to let Washington roll back India’s longstanding defence ties with Russia.
    • Russia knows India’s strategic cooperation with the US has acquired an unstoppable momentum; and Delhi knows it has no veto over the Sino-Russian strategic partnership.
    • Moscow and Delhi are learning to live with this uncomfortable unreality and stabilising their political ties within that context.

    Consider the question “While both India and Russia have drifted apart from the depth of past partnerships, there is a need for stabilising their political ties within the changed context.Comment.”

    Context

    Delhi and Moscow have no reason to be satisfied with the poor state of their commercial ties. The success of Monday’s summit lies not in squeezing more out of bilateral defence ties, but in laying a clear path for expansive economic cooperation, and generating a better understanding of each other’s imperatives on Afghanistan and the Indo-Pacific.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Higher Education – RUSA, NIRF, HEFA, etc.

    The NIRF’s ranking of education institutions on a common scale is problematic

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: NIRF

    Mains level: Paper 2- Issues in ranking HEI based on common framework

    Context

    The ranking of State-run higher education institutions (HEIs) together with centrally funded institutions using the National Institutional Ranking Framework, or the NIRF, is akin to comparing apples and oranges.

    Institute data

    • According to an All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) 2019-20 report, there are 1,043 HEIs.
    • Of these, 48 are central universities.
    • 135 are institutions of national importance,
    • 1 is a central open university,
    • 386 are State public universities,
    • 5 are institutions under the State legislature act,
    • 14 are State open universities,
    • 327 are State private universities,
    • 1 is a State private open university,
    • 36 are government deemed universities,
    • 10 are government aided deemed universities.
    • 80 are private deemed universities.

    Comparison of financial health of State HEI with Central HEIs

    • A close study of the above data shows that 184 are centrally funded institutions (out of 1,043 HEIs in the country) to which the Government of India generously allocates its financial resources in contrast to inadequate financial support provided by State governments to their respective State public universities and colleges.
    • The Central government earmarked the sums, ₹7,686 crore and ₹7,643.26 crore to the IITs and central universities, respectively, in the Union Budget 2021.
    • Ironically, out of the total student enrolment, the number of undergraduate students is the largest (13,97,527) in State public universities followed by State open universities (9,22,944).

    How NIRF ranks the education institutions?

    • Parameters set by the core committee of experts: The NIRF outlines a methodology to rank HEIs across the country, which is based on a set of metrics for the ranking of HEIs as agreed upon by a core committee of experts set up by the then Ministry of Human Resources Development (now the Ministry of Education), Government of India
    • The NIRF ranks HEIs on five parameters: teaching, learning and resources; research and professional practice; graduation outcome; outreach and inclusivity, and perception.

    Where do State HEIs lag on NIRF parameters?

    • Teaching, learning and resources include metrics viz. student strength including doctoral students, the faculty-student ratio with an emphasis on permanent faculty, a combined metric for faculty with the qualification of PhD (or equivalent) and experience, and financial resources and their utilisation.
    • Low faculty strength in State HEIs: In the absence of adequate faculty strength, most State HEIs lag behind in this crucial NIRF parameter for ranking.
    • The depleting strength of teachers has further weakened the faculty-student ratio with an emphasis on permanent faculty in HEIs.
    • Research and professional practise encompasses a combined metric for publications, a combined metric for quality of publications, intellectual property rights/patents and the footprint of projects, professional practice and executive development programmes.
    • Need for modernisation of laboratories: As most laboratories need drastic modernisation in keeping pace with today’s market demand, it is no wonder that State HEIs fare miserably in this parameter as well while pitted against central institutions.

    Issues with comparing State HEIs with Central HEIs

    • The difference in financial allocations diregarded: The financial health of State-sponsored HEIs is an open secret with salary and pension liabilities barely being managed.
    • Hence, rating such institutions vis-à-vis centrally funded institutions does not make any sense.
    • No cost-benefit analysis carried out: No agency carries out a cost-benefit analysis of State versus centrally funded HEIs on economic indicators such as return on investment the Government made into them vis-à-vis the contribution of their students in nation building parameters such as the number of students who passed out serving in rural areas, and bringing relief to common man.
    • While students who pass out of elite institutions generally prefer to move abroad in search of higher studies and better career prospects, a majority of State HEIs contribute immensely in building the local economy.
    • Issues in embracing technologies: State HEIs are struggling to embrace emerging technologies involving artificial intelligence, machine learning, block chains, smart boards, handheld computing devices, adaptive computer testing for student development.

    Consider the question “What are the challenges in the ranking of Higher Education Institutions in India? What are the issues faced by State HEI?”

    Conclusion

    Ranking HEIs on a common scale purely based on strengths without taking note of the challenges and the weaknesses they face is not justified. It is time the NIRF plans an appropriate mechanism to rate the output and the performance of institutes in light of their constraints and the resources available to them.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Agricultural Sector and Marketing Reforms – eNAM, Model APMC Act, Eco Survey Reco, etc.

    A white touch to a refreshed green revolution

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Not much

    Mains level: Paper 3- Contrast between white and green revolution

    Context

    November 26, 2021 was celebrated in Anand, Gujarat as the 100th birth anniversary of Verghese Kurien, the leader of India’s ‘white revolution’.

    Analysing the Green revolution

    • Purpose of green revolution: The purpose of the green revolution was to increase the output of agriculture to prevent shortages of food.
    • Technocratic enterprise: The green revolution was largely a technocratic enterprise driven by science and the principles of efficiency.
    • It required inputs, like chemical fertilizers, to be produced on scale and at low cost.
    • Therefore, large fertilizer factories were set up for the green revolution. And large dams and irrigation systems were also required to feed water on a large scale.
    • Monocropping on fields was necessary to apply all appropriate inputs — seeds, fertilizer, water, etc., on scale.
    •  Monocropping increased the efficiency in application of inputs.
    • Thus, farms became like large, dedicated engineering factories designed to produce large volumes efficiently.
    •  Diversity in the products and processes of large factories creates complexity.
    • Therefore, diversity is weeded out to keep the factories well-focused on the outputs they are designed for.

    The contrast between White and Green revolution

    • The contrast between the two revolutions provides valuable insights. Their purposes were different.
    • Purpose of white revolution: The purpose of the white revolution was to increase the incomes of small farmers in Gujarat, not the output of milk.
    • The white revolution was a socio-economic enterprise driven by political leaders and principles of equity.

    Understanding the success of Amul

    • Amul has become one of India’s most loved brands, and is respected internationally too for the quality of its products and the efficiency of its management.
    • The fledgling, farmer-owned, Indian enterprise had many technological problems to solve.
    • That is why they enrolled Kurien, who had studied engineering in the United States.
    • Indigenous solutions: Kurien and his engineering compatriots in the organisation were compelled to develop solutions indigenously when Indian policy makers, influenced by foreign experts, said Indians could not make it.
    • The enterprise achieved its outcome of empowering farmers because the governance of the enterprise to achieve equity was always kept in the foreground, with the efficiency of its production processes in the background as a means to the outcome.

    Increasing productivity and issues with it

    • ‘Productivity’, when defined as output per worker, can be increased by eliminating workers.
    • This may be an acceptable way to measure and increase productivity when the purpose of the enterprise is to increase profits of investors in the enterprise.
    • It is a wrong approach to productivity when the purpose of the enterprise is to enable more workers to increase their incomes, which must be the aim of any policy to increase small farmers’ incomes.
    • The need for new solutions to increase farmers’ incomes has become imperative.
    • Moreover, fundamental changes in economics and management sciences are necessary to reverse the degradation of the planet’s natural environment that has taken place with the application of modern technological solutions and management methods for the pursuit of economic growth.

    Suggestions to increase inclusion and improve environmental sustainability

    • Ensure inclusion and equity: Increase in the incomes and wealth of the workers and small asset owners in the enterprise must be the purpose of the enterprise, rather than production of better returns for investors.
    • Social side: The ‘social’ side of the enterprise is as important as its ‘business’ side.
    • Therefore, new metrics of performance must be used, and many ‘non-corporate’ methods of management learned and applied to strengthen its social fabric.
    • Local solution: Solutions must be ‘local systems’ solutions, rather than ‘global (or national) scale’ solutions.
    • The resources in the local environment (including local workers) must be the principal resources of the enterprise.
    • Practical use of science: Science must be practical and useable by the people on the ground rather than a science developed by experts to convince other experts.
    • Moreover, people on the ground are often better scientists from whom scientists in universities can learn useful science.
    • Sustainable solution through evolution: Sustainable transformations are brought about by a steady process of evolution, not by drastic revolution.
    • Large-scale transformations imposed from the top can have strong side-effects.

    Consider the question “Contrast the differences between the White Revolution and Green Revolution in India. What lessons can be applied to Indian agriculture from the success of the White Revolution in India?”

    Conclusion

    The essence of democratic economic governance is that an enterprise must be of the people, for the people, and governed by the people too.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Health Sector – UHC, National Health Policy, Family Planning, Health Insurance, etc.

    What the latest NFHS data says about the New Welfarism

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Not much

    Mains level: Paper 2- What findings of NHFS-5 imply

    Context

    The second and final phase of NFHS-5 was released which covered 11 states (including Uttar Pradesh (UP), Tamil Nadu, Punjab, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh (MP), Jharkhand, Haryana, and Chhattisgarh) and about 49 per cent of the population.

    Major findings

    [1] Success of New Welfarism

    • Figure one plots household access to improved sanitation, cooking gas and bank accounts used by women.
    • The improvements are as striking as they were based on the performance of the phase 1 states.
    • In all cases, access has increased significantly, although claims of India being 100 per cent open defecation-free still remain excessive.

    [2] Child-related outcomes

    • India-wide, stunting has declined although the pace of improvement has slowed down post-2015 compared with the previous decade.
    • For example, stunting improved by 0.7 percentage points per year between 2005 and 2015 compared to 0.3 percentage points between 2015 and 2021.
    • On diarrhoea too, adding the new data reverses the earlier finding.
    • However, on anaemia and acute respiratory illness, there seems to have been deterioration.
    • The new child stunting results are significant but also surprising because of the sharply divergent outcomes between the phase 1 and phase 2 states.
    •  The interesting pattern is that nearly all the phase 2 states show large improvements, whereas most of the phase 1 states exhibited a deterioration in performance.

    [3] Catch up by the laggard states

    • If the new child stunting numbers are right, a different picture of India emerges.
    • Apparently, Madhya Pradesh now has fewer stunted children than Gujarat; Uttar Pradesh and Jharkhand are almost at par with Gujarat; Chhattisgarh fares better than Gujarat, Karnataka, and Maharashtra; and Rajasthan and Odisha fare better than Gujarat, Karnataka, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Telangana and Himachal Pradesh!
    • On child stunting, the old BIMARU states (excepting Bihar) are no longer the laggards; the laggards are Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Karnataka, and to a lesser extent, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.
    • Indeed, the decline in stunting achieved by the poorer states such as UP, MP, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan would be all the more remarkable given the overall weakness in the economy between 2015 and 2021.

    Conclusion

    When commentators speak of two Indias, it is now important to ask: Which ones and on what metrics.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • The politics-policy disconnect in India

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Not much

    Mains level: Paper 2- Disconnect between policy and politics in India

    Context

    Decision-making on virtually all governance issues is disconnected from politics and the mobilisation of public opinion.

    Disconnect between politics and policy

    • The repeal of the farm laws is thus a notable instance of politics and policy coming together, although in conflict.
    • The Opposition speaking in one voice in the Parliament helped, but the heavy lifting of organising in the villages and sustaining the protests was done by the farmers’ groups.
    • This disconnect between politics and policy is not a recent development, though it manifests differently across political divides.
    • Policy-first lens and its implications: The liberal side has a policy-first lens but is unable to articulate its ideas in a manner which makes for good politics, repeatedly couching its ideas in a bureaucratic framework disconnected from political organisation.
    • Bureaucracy is downstream from politics and this approach rather than curbing the state may have instead contributed to undermining the democratic process of political accountability since the political class is, by design, not central to the policy in the first place.
    • A politics-first approach: The right, on its side, has a politics-first lens but it derives its politics largely from its social agenda instead of issues of governance.
    • The policy imperatives, if any, are ad hoc and appear to be driven by the demands of running the political apparatus instead of a clear governance agenda.
    • Despite these differences, what is common across parties is the apolitical harnessing of the state as a disburser of different kinds of economic largesse, especially just before elections, as political parties cast about for simple ideas for easy mass communication.

    Reasons for the breakdown of the process

    • Weakly institutionalised nature of state and politics: Indian politics and the state are weakly institutionalised to begin with, which leads to an all-around fuzziness in the relationship between politics and policy.
    • However, this is as much an effect as it is cause, with the direction of change towards greater deinstitutionalisation instead of the opposite.
    • Lack of consensus-building: Another contributing factor is that traditional sites of consensus-building such as media, civil society, and political parties have developed pathologies which have rendered sustained consensus-building almost impossible. 
    • Centralisation of power: The excessive centralisation of power in party platforms and the head of the government (state and national).
    • This renders the individual elected representative extraneous to governance even in their own constituency, where their function is to provide representation and oversight.

    Way forward

    • There’s too much at stake to allow such a state of affairs to continue.
    •  It is important to rescue public interest from partisanship and cut through at least some of the bad-faith crosstalk across partisan divides.
    • Cross-cutting collaboration: There are many issues which lend themselves to cross-cutting collaboration outside of ideological affiliations.
    • Need for reforms: Institutional reforms are required to create such a space but public-spirited individuals across political divides can lay the foundation for such collaboration through issue-based discipline, moderation and intellectual independence.

    Consider the question “There has been a growing disconnect in India between policy and politics. Examine the factors responsible for this. Suggest the way forward.”

    Conclusion

    We need to address the disconnect between policy and politics to make the functioning of democracy more meaningful for us.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • Electric and Hybrid Cars – FAME, National Electric Mobility Mission, etc.

    India’s electric vehicle push will lead to brighter, greener future

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: FAME 2

    Mains level: Paper 3- Promoting EV ecosystem

    Context

    The transition to electric mobility is a promising global strategy for decarbonising the transport sector.

    Electricity mobility revolution

    • The global electric mobility revolution is today defined by the rapid growth in electric vehicle (EV) uptake.
    • This phenomenon is today defined by the rapid growth in EV uptake, with EV sales for the year 2020, reaching 2.1 million.
    • Falling battery costs and rising performance efficiencies are fueling the demand for EVs globally.

    Significance of India’s transition to electric mobility

    • India is the fifth largest car market in the world and has the potential to become one of the top three in the near future.
    • India is among a handful of countries that supports the global EV30@30 campaign, which aims for at least 30 per cent new vehicle sales to be electric by 2030.
    • Part of global climate agenda: The push for EVs is driven by the global climate agenda established under the Paris Agreement to reduce carbon emissions in order to limit global warming.
    • Ensuring energy security: It is also projected to contribute in improving the overall energy security situation as the country imports over 80 per cent of its overall crude oil requirements, amounting to approximately $100 billion.
    • Job creation: The push is also expected to play an important role in the local EV manufacturing industry for job creation.
    • Strengthen grid operation: Through several grid support services, EVs are expected to strengthen the grid and help accommodate higher renewable energy penetration while maintaining secure and stable grid operation.

    Battery storage: Opportunities and challenges

    • Promoting sustainable development: With recent technology disruptions, battery storage has great opportunity in promoting sustainable development in the country, considering government initiatives to promote e-mobility and renewable power (450 GW energy capacity target by 2030).
    • Economic opportunity: With rising levels of per capita income, there has been a tremendous demand for consumer electronics in the areas of mobile phones, UPS, laptops, power banks etc. that require advanced chemistry batteries.
    • This makes manufacturing of advanced batteries one of the largest economic opportunities of the 21st century.
    • Concern of absence of manufacturing base: It is estimated that by 2020-30 India’s cumulative demand for batteries would be approximately 900-1100 GWh, but there is concern over the absence of a manufacturing base for batteries in India, leading to sole reliance on imports to meet rising demand.

    Government schemes to promote EV ecosystem

    • To develop and promote the EV ecosystem in the country, government has remodeled Faster Adoption and Manufacturing of Electric Vehicles (FAME II) scheme (Rs 10,000 crore) for the consumer side.
    • It has also launched production-linked incentive (PLI) scheme for Advanced Chemistry Cell (ACC) ( Rs 18,100 crore) for the supplier side.
    • Finally the recently launched PLI scheme for Auto and Automotive Components (Rs 25,938 crore) for manufacturers of electric vehicles was launched.
    • All these forward and backward integration mechanisms in the economy are expected to achieve robust growth in the coming years and will enable India to leapfrog to the environmentally cleaner electric vehicles and hydrogen fuel cell vehicles.

    Benefits of EV ecosystem

    • This will not only help the nation conserve foreign exchange but also make India a global leader in manufacturing of EVs and better comply with the Paris Climate Change Agreement..
    • Battery demand creation: All three schemes cumulatively expect an investment of about Rs 1,00,000 crore which will boost domestic manufacturing and also facilitate EVs and battery demand creation along with the development of a complete domestic supply chain and foreign direct investment in the country.
    • Reduction of oil import bill: The programme envisages an oil import bill reduction of about Rs 2 lakh crore and import bill substitution of about Rs 1.5 lakh crore.

    Conclusion

    India’s push for EV ecosystem is in line with the country’s climate change commitments, will help boost manufacturing sector and also help ensure energy security.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

  • International Space Agencies – Missions and Discoveries

    A launch window for India as a space start-up hub

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Not much

    Mains level: Paper 3- India as a space start up hub

    Context

    After the launch of Sputnik in 1957, space race is on again, but this time, private players are on the power field. This has huge implications for original equipment manufacturers (OEMs) in the space sector in India and is a promising venture for global investors.

    Insignificant share of India in space economy

    • 2% India’s share: The space economy is a $440 billion global sector, with India having less than 2% share in the sector.
    • While total early-stage investments in space technologies in FY21 were $68 billion, India was on the fourth place with investments in about 110 firms, totalling not more than $2 billion.

    Reasons for India’s insignificant private participation

    • Absence of a framework: The reason for the lack of independent private participation in space includes the absence of a framework to provide transparency and clarity in laws.
    • Brain drain: Another aspect to throw light on is the extensive brain drain in India, which has increased by 85% since 2005.
    • Policy bottlenecks: Brain drain can be linked to the bottlenecks in policies which create hindrances for private space ventures and founders to attract investors, making it virtually non-feasible to operate in India.

    Suggestions

    • The laws need to be broken down into multiple sections, each to address specific parts of the value chain and in accordance with the Outer Space Treaty.
    • Dividing into upstream and downstream: Dividing activities further into upstream and downstream space blocks will allow legislators to provide a solid foundation to products/services developed by the non-governmental and private sectors within the value chain.
    • Timeline on licensing: With the technicalities involved in the space business, timelines on licensing, issuance of authorisation and continuous supervision mechanism need to be defined into phases.
    • Insurance and indemnification clarity: Another crucial aspect of space law is insurance and indemnification clarity, particularly about who or which entity undertakes the liability in case of a mishap.
    • In several western countries with an evolved private space industry, there is a cap on liability and the financial damages that need to be paid.
    • Need to generate own IP: Currently, many of the private entities are involved in equipment and frame manufacturing, with either outsourced specifications or leased licences.
    • However, to create value, Indian space private companies need to generate their intellectual property for an independent product or service with ISRO neither being their sole or largest customer nor providing them IP and ensuring buy-backs.

    Possibilities for India and the government’s effort

    • India currently stands on the cusp of building a space ecosystem and with ISRO being the guiding body, India can now evolve as a space start-up hub for the world.
    • Already 350 plus start-ups such as AgniKul Cosmos, Skyroot Technologies, Dhruva Space and Pixxel have established firm grounds for home-grown technologies with a practical unit of economics.
    • Last year the Government of India created a new organisation known as IN-SPACe (Indian National Space Promotion and Authorisation Centre) which is a “single window nodal agency” established to boost the commercialisation of Indian space activities.
    • A supplement to the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), the agency promotes the entry of the Non-Government Private Entities (NGPEs) in the Indian space sector.

    Consider the question “Examine the factors responsible for hindering the participation of the private sector in India’s space industry? Suggest the ways to increase the participation of private sector.”

    Conclusion

    To continue the growth engine, investors need to look up to the sector as the next “new-age” boom and ISRO needs to turn into an enabler from being a supporter. To ensure that the sky is not the limit, investor confidence needs to be pumped up and for the same, clear laws need to be defined.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)


    Back2Basics: The Outer Space Treaty

    • The Outer Space Treaty was considered by the Legal Subcommittee in 1966 and agreement was reached in the General Assembly in the same year ( resolution 2222 (XXI)).
    • The Treaty was largely based on the Declaration of Legal Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, which had been adopted by the General Assembly in its resolution 1962 (XVIII) in 1963, but added a few new provisions.
    • The Treaty was opened for signature by the three depository Governments (the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States of America) in January 1967, and it entered into force in October 1967.
    • The Outer Space Treaty provides the basic framework on international space law, including the following principles:
    • The exploration and use of outer space shall be carried out for the benefit and in the interests of all countries and shall be the province of all mankind;
    • Outer space shall be free for exploration and use by all States;
    • Outer space is not subject to national appropriation by claim of sovereignty, by means of use or occupation, or by any other means;
    • States shall not place nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction in orbit or on celestial bodies or station them in outer space in any other manner;
    • The Moon and other celestial bodies shall be used exclusively for peaceful purposes;
    • Astronauts shall be regarded as the envoys of mankind;
    • States shall be responsible for national space activities whether carried out by governmental or non-governmental entities;
    • States shall be liable for damage caused by their space objects; and
    • States shall avoid harmful contamination of space and celestial bodies.