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  • Policy Wise: India’s Power Sector

    A clean energy transition plan for India

    op-ed snap | Economics | Mains Paper 3: Infrastructure: Energy, Ports, Roads, Airports, Railways Etc.

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: HELE power plants

    Mains level: Paper 3- Clean energy transition plan

    Context

    India has a long way to go in providing electricity security to its people since its per capita electricity consumption is still only a third of the global average.

    Ensuring energy security and role of coal

    • Energy security warrants the uninterrupted supply of energy at affordable prices.
    •  Thanks to the Electricity Act of 2003, the installed coal-fired thermal power plant (TPP) generation capacity in India more than doubled from 94 GW to 192 GW between March 2011 and 2017.
    • This sharp increase in the installed capacity has enabled the government to increase per capita electricity consumption by 37% while reducing peak demand deficit from 9.8% (2010-11) to 1.6% (2016-17). 
    • TPPs contributed 71% of the 1,382 billion units (BU) of electricity generated by utilities in India during FY 2020-21 though they accounted for only 55% of the total installed generation capacity of 382 GW (as of March 2021).
    • Coal, therefore, plays a vital role in India’s ongoing efforts to achieve Sustainable Development Goal 7, which is “to ensure access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all”.

    Renewable energy utilisation issue and implications for consumers

    • While variable renewable energy (VRE) sources (primarily, wind and solar) account for 24.7% of the total installed generation capacity, as of March 2021, they contributed 10.7% of the electricity generated by utilities during FY 2020-21.
    • However, the ramp-up of VRE generation capacity without commensurate growth in electricity demand has resulted in lower utilisation of TPPs whose fixed costs must be paid by the distribution companies (DISCOMs) and passed through to the final consumer.
    • The current level of VRE in the national power grid is increasing the cost of power procurement for DISCOMs, leading to tariff increases for electricity consumers. 
    • Therefore, India must implement a plan to increase energy efficiency and reduce the emissions of carbon dioxide (CO2) and airborne pollutants from TPPs without making power unaffordable to industries that need low-cost 24×7 power to compete in the global market.

    Way forward: time-bound transition plan

    • Phasing out: The plan should involve the progressive retirement of TPPs(unit size 210 MW and below) based on key performance parameters such as efficiency, specific coal consumption, technological obsolescence, and age.
    • Increasing utilisation: The resulting shortfall in baseload electricity generation can be made up by increasing the utilisation of existing High-Efficiency-Low-Emission (HELE) TPPs that are currently under-utilised to accommodate VRE and commissioning the 47 government-owned TPPs.
    • In addition, the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) is also constructing 11 nuclear power plants with a total generation capacity of 8,700 MW that will supply 24×7 power without any CO2 emissions.
    • The combined thermal (220 GW) and nuclear (15 GW) capacity of 235 GW can meet the baseload requirement (80% of peak demand) during the evening peak in FY 2029-30 without expensive battery storage.
    • The optimal utilisation of existing and under-construction HELE TPPs with faster-ramping capabilities and lower technical minimums also facilitates VRE integration.
    • Since HELE TPPs minimise emissions of particulate matter (PM), SO2, and NO2, the transition plan offers operational, economic, and environmental benefits including avoidance of sustenance Capex and FGD costs in the 211 obsolete TPPs to be retired besides savings in specific coal consumption and water requirement leading to reductions in electricity tariffs and PM pollution.

    Conclusion

    The implementation of transition plan will enable India to safeguard its energy security and ensure efficient grid operations with lower water consumption, PM pollution, and CO2 emissions.

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  • Electoral Reforms In India

    Internal democracy in political parties

    op-ed snap | Polity | Mains Paper 2: Parliament & State Legislatures

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Not much

    Mains level: Paper 2- Internal democracy in political parties

    Context

    It is obvious that institutional intermediaries in a representative democracy must themselves be democratic. However, beyond the rhetoric, internal democracy in a political party is less straightforward.

    How democratic accountability in a political party is different from that in a country

    • Democratic accountability in a political party is qualitatively different from that in a country.
    • A political party is a collaborative platform to capture state power to achieve a certain vision for society. 
    • In a country, there are sharp differences between citizens on the vision and values themselves and the role of democracy is not just to create a framework to negotiate conflict but to ensure that the state is representative of the largest section of the electorate through periodic elections.
    • Thus, while democracy at the level of the country is a bottom-up opportunity to change direction altogether, democratic accountability in a political party exists within an ideological framework.

    Is internal elections for party leadership a solution?

    • Subversion of internal institutional process: Proponents underestimate the ability of existing repositories of power to subvert internal institutional processes to consolidate power and maintain the status quo.
    • Independence of lower level: the assumption that the lower levels would be independent and hold the higher levels of leadership to account glosses over the many ways power asserts itself.
    • Independence and quality of electorate: The outcome of internal elections is contingent on the independence and quality of the electorate.
    • In indirect elections (through delegates), the electorate would likely mirror the existing balance of power.
    • In direct elections, there is a concern of ideological dilution and/or capture through opportunistic membership.
    • It is evident that internal elections may factionalise power but cannot establish normative accountability, which extends to all members of the party along three interconnected axes of ideology, organisation and competence.
    • Normative accountability is thus rooted in a dynamic context and is necessarily a deliberative process.

    Democratic functioning in political parties is not an end in itself

    • Unlike for the state, democracy is not an end in itself for a political party.
    • The highest possible attainment of individual well-being and individual self-will through a democratic state is an end in itself.
    • The purpose of a political party is the acquisition of state power.
    • Democratic functioning may be an ideological imperative, operational choice, or legitimising tactic but it is not an end in itself for a political party.

    Way forward

    • Instead of looking at internal party processes, one way to decentralise power is by getting rid of the anti-defection law.
    • The need to canvass votes in the legislature will create room for negotiation in the party organisation too.
    • Most importantly, this reform will impose a similar burden on all political parties and may create space to change the overall political culture.

    Consider the question “Lack of internal democratic functioning in the political parties has bearing on the overall political functioning of the country. Examine the factors responsible for its lack in India and suggest measures to encourage it.”

    Conclusion

    The role of democracy is not just to create a framework to negotiate conflict but to ensure that the state is representative of the largest section of the electorate through periodic elections.

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  • The poor conditions of protectors

    op-ed snap | Security Issues | Mains Paper 3: Various Security Forces, Agencies & Their Mandates

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: CAPF, ITBP

    Mains level: Paper 3- Issues faced by the police and paramilitary forces

    Context

    In memory of these and other colleagues killed, all the police forces of the State and Centre observe October 21 as Police Commemoration Day.

    Casualties among the police forces

    • As the CRPF is deployed in the highly disturbed areas of Jammu and Kashmir, the Northeast and the Left-Wing Extremist-affected States, the highest casualties (82) were seen in this force.
    • The Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP), which guards the border from Ladakh to Arunachal Pradesh at forbidding heights, lost 54 of its personnel.
    • The Border Security Force lost 47 personnel.
    • Among the State Police forces, Chhattisgarh, which is combating the Maoist menace, lost the most personnel (32) followed by J&K (17) and Karnataka (17).

    Neglect of the police and paramilitary personnels

    • They get paid low salaries, have a poor quality of life and are often deprived of basic facilities.
    • The morale of the paramilitary personnel is not of the desired level.
    • Those who cleared recruitment exams in 2003 but joined the force in 2004 or later are not eligible for pension under the old norms.
    • Canteen and medical facilities are dismal.
    • Items sold through the Central Police Canteens are not exempted from GST.
    • There are notable variations in the ex-gratia amounts given to the next of kin of the police who are killed.
    • The Centre and the States need to bring about uniformity in the amount paid.
    • Care should be taken to ensure that the next of kin are not deprived of a decent living.
    • Payments from the public exchequer need to be made judiciously.

    Conclusion

    It is high time the government takes note of the grievances of the police and paramilitary personnel and not let their sacrifices go in vain.

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  • Trade Sector Updates – Falling Exports, TIES, MEIS, Foreign Trade Policy, etc.

    Trade Protectionism in India

    op-ed snap | Economics | Mains Paper 3: Effects Of Liberalization On The Economy, Changes In Industrial Policy and their effects on Industrial Growth

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: GATT

    Mains level: Paper 3- Rising trade protectionism

    Context

    India’s efforts for deepening India’s trade ties with several countries could be scuttled by rising trade protectionism at home.

    Increasing protectionism by India

    • Increase in average tariffs: As Arvind Panagariya has argued, the simple average of India’s tariffs that stood at 8.9 per cent in 2010-11 has increased by almost 25 per cent to 11.1 per cent in 2020-21.
    • These increases in tariff rates have reversed the political consensus on tariff liberalisation that India followed since 1991.
    • Initiator of anti-dumping measures: India is the highest initiator of anti-dumping measures aimed at shielding domestic industry from import competition.
    • According to the WTO, from 2015 to 2019, India initiated 233 anti-dumping investigations, which is a sharp increase from 82 initiations between 2011 and 2014 (June).
    • The anti-dumping initiations by India from 1995 (when the WTO was established) till 2020 stand at 1,071.
    • Expanding the scope of Article 11(2)(f): India recently amended Section 11(2)(f) of the Customs Act of 1962, giving the government the power to ban the import or export of any good (not just gold and silver, as this provision applied earlier) if it is necessary to prevent injury to the economy. 
    • Expanding the scope of Article 11(2)(f) to cover any good is inconsistent with India’s WTO obligations.
    • WTO allows countries to impose restrictions on imports in case of injury to domestic industry, not to the “economy”.
    • Restrictive rules of origin: Finance Minister in her budget speech of 2020 said that undue claims of FTA benefits pose a threat to the domestic industry.
    •  Subsequently, India amended the rules of origin requirement under the Customs Act.
    • Rules of origin determine the national source of a product.
    • This helps in deciding whether to apply a preferential tariff rate (if the product originates from India’s FTA partner country) or to apply the most favoured nation rate (if the product originates from a non-FTA country).
    • But India has imposed onerous burdens on importers to ensure compliance with the rules of origin requirement.
    • The intent appears to be to dissuade importers from importing goods from India’s FTA partners.
    • Impact of vocal for local: The clarion call given by Prime Minister Narendra Modi to be “vocal for local” is creating an ecosystem where imports are looked at with disdain, upsetting competitive opportunities and trading partners.

    What are the implications?

    • Protectionist steps are justified on the ground that they would help domestic companies grow into viable competitors.
    • But the fact is that protectionism does not benefit the domestic economy.
    • It rather encourages inefficiency of domestic manufacturers.
    • It is likely to hurt exports, make domestic goods costlier and reduce benefits to consumers from increased competition.
    • So in the long term, protectionism is likely to have only a negative effect on industry’s ability to compete globally.
    • For India to reap the benefits of the summits and partnerships like Quad, there needs to be a fundamental shift in policy.
    • Amore pragmatic approach in line with the recent initiatives to reverse the retrospective tax legislation and provide support to the flailing telecom sector must be expanded.

    Conclusion

    India can’t maximise its interests at the expense of others. Its experiment with trade protectionism in the decades before 1991 was disastrous. We should recall Winston Churchill’s warning: “Those who fail to learn from history are condemned to repeat it.”

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  • Defence Sector – DPP, Missions, Schemes, Security Forces, etc.

    Extending BSF’s powers won’t resolve policing problems, security threats

    op-ed snap | Security Issues | Mains Paper 3: Various Security Forces, Agencies & Their Mandates

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: BSF

    Mains level: Paper 3- Issue of extending BSF's jurisdiction

    Context

    The Union home ministry’s order to extend the jurisdiction of the Border Security Forces (BSF) has caused furore.

    Justification for the order

    • Increased threats: The Taliban’s takeover in Afghanistan has revived serious threats of cross-border infiltration from Pakistan, while China, our other tense neighbour, has been increasingly aggressive over the past year.
    • Change in the jurisdiction: The BSF’s powers have not altered, only its jurisdiction has changed from 15 to 50 kilometres and that is for the purposes of uniformity.

    Issues raised by the order

    • Lack of clarity: That India is facing heightened security threats is undeniable.
    • What is unclear is how the BSF’s extended jurisdiction helps counter these threats.
    • The recent drug seizures in Gujarat’s Adani port were successfully conducted by the customs department and the Directorate of Revenue Intelligence — not by the BSF, despite their jurisdiction depth of 80 kilometres in the state.
    • No need for uniformity: In the security context, arguments about uniformity are patently absurd.
    • There is no uniformity between coastal smuggling in Gujarat, cross-border infiltration in Jammu and Kashmir, smuggling and drone drops in Punjab.
    • Risk of civilian resentment: The order raises the risk of civilian resentment, even clashes, given that the BSF is not trained to operate in residential and/or market areas, it will also undermine the state police forces’ morale even further.
    • Overstretching BSF: The BSF is likely to be overstretched by its new tasks.
    • Once again, that could weaken rather than strengthen the BSF’s security capabilities.

    Tackling illegal migration

    • Curbing illegal migration requires coordinated action between India and its neighbours, first at the political and then at the security level.
    • The administration’s migration policies — the Citizenship Amendment Act, deporting Myanmar refugees even when they were locally welcomed, cancelling Afghan visas have made cooperation more difficult and impacting negatively on border security.
    • To think that the BSF can plug what is a government-to-government policy gap is prone to failure.

    Way forward

    • Coordination: The underlying issue when it comes to tackling both smuggling and infiltration threats is coordination between our security agencies.
    • Police reform: The state police forces have weakened, therefore, the solution lies in putting police reforms on an emergency footing, not in extending the BSF’s jurisdiction.
    • That we have a grave policing problem across India is undeniable.
    • But the answer is not to write them off; it is to insulate them from political misuse while holding them accountable for rule of law lapses.
    • Moreover, to strengthen police capabilities it is vital that other security forces cooperate with local police forces, not bypass them.
    • The BSF has had a relatively good record of local police cooperation thus far.
    • When it comes to cross-border infiltration, intelligence is the key.

    Conclusion

    Strengthening police capabilities, improving coordination between security agencies and cooperation with state law enforcement are needed to address these issues.

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  • Cyber Security – CERTs, Policy, etc

    The outlines of a national security policy

    op-ed snap | Security Issues | Mains Paper 3: Social Media Networks & Internal Security,Various Security Forces, Agencies & Their Mandates

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Not much

    Mains level: Paper 3- Dimensions of national security policy in 21st century

    Context

    National security concepts have, in the two decades of the 21st century, undergone fundamental changes. Cyberwarfare has vastly reduced the deterrent value of conventional deterrents.

    Emergence of cyberwarfare

    • In the 21st century, after cybertechnology enters as an important variable in nations’ defence policies.
    • Geographical land size or GDP size will be irrelevant in war-making capacity or deterrence.
    • These fundamental changes are entirely due to the earlier 20th century innovations in cybertechnology and software developments.
    • Drones, robots, satellites and advanced computers as weapons are already in use.
    • Some examples of further innovations are artificial intelligence and nanotechnology.
    • Tracking those cyber warfare threat will need a new national security policy.
    • By credible accounts, China, recently, publicly cautioned Indians to sit up and take notice by using cybertechnology to shut down Mumbai’s electric supply in populated areas of the city, for a few hours.

    Four dimensions of national security policy

    • Objectives: the objective of the National Security Policy in the 21st century is to define what assets are required to be defended, the identity of opponents.
    • Although the novel coronavirus is perhaps accidental, it has completely destabilised peoples globally and their governments in all nations of the world over.
    • This is a preview of the kinds of threats that await us in the coming decades which a national security policy will have to address by choosing a nation’s priorities.
    • Priorities: National security priorities will require new departments for supporting several frontiers of innovation and technologies such as hydrogen fuel cells, desalination of seawater, thorium for nuclear technology, anti-computer viruses, and new immunity-creating medicines.
    • This focus on a new priority will require compulsory science and mathematics education, especially in applications for analytical subjects.
    • Strategy: The strategy required for this new national security policy will be to anticipate our enemies in many dimensions and by demonstrative but limited pre-emptive strikes by developing a strategy of deterrence of the enemy.
    • For India, it will be the China cyber capability factor which is the new threat for which it has to devise a new strategy.
    • Resource mobilisation: The macroeconomics of resource mobilisation depends on whether a nation has ‘demand’ as an economic deficit or not.
    • If demand for a commodity or service is in deficit to clear the market of the available supply of the same, then liberal printing of currency and placing it in the hands of consumers is recommended for the economy to recover the demand-supply parity.
    • A way to increase demand is by lowering the interest rate on bank loans or raising the rates in fixed deposits which will enable banks to obtain liquidity and lend liberally for enhancing investment for production.
    • If it is ‘supply’ that is short or in deficit compared to demand, then special measures are required to incentivise to encourage an increase in supply.

    Conclusion

    National security at its root in the 21st century will depend on mind-boggling skills in the four dimensions mentioned above.

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  • Is the Indian foreign-policy ship changing course?

    op-ed snap | International Relations | Mains Paper 2: Bilateral, Regional and Global Groupings and agreements involving India

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: AUKUS

    Mains level: Paper 2- Changing course of India foreign policy

    Context

    India plans to host an international conference on Afghanistan in the second week of November.

    Is the Indian foreign policy changing course?

    • All signs point towards a major calibration of the foreign-policy compass in recent weeks since the tumultuous events in Kabul two months ago culminated in the formation of an interim government by the Taliban.
    • As regards the way forward in Afghanistan, India has opted to align with the Anglo-American camp in the international line-up arrayed against the Eurasian axis of Russia, China and Iran.
    • While the US has an attitude of “You’re either with us, or against us”, vis-a-vis the Taliban, Russia, China, Iran and other neighbouring states give primacy to stability and security of Afghanistan.
    • Being a discontented party, unsurprisingly, India would have more in common with the revisionist powers — the US and the UK.
    • While the stated purpose of the participating countries is marking Afghanistan, it is the future that matters, being an epochal one that would transform the geopolitics of the region.
    • Thus, Delhi has moved up to the centrestage of the Quad.
    • In turn, the US accepts that the Quad ought to be “inclusive”. Global Britain is knocking at the door.
    • On its part, Delhi has displayed its comfort level with the AUKUS.
    • The historical Western experience of the EU and NATO moving in tandem to weaken a common enemy is being replicated with Asian characteristics.
    • A dual containment strategy is unfolding against China and Russia.
    • Thus, its short-lived dalliance with Iran is losing its gravitas and India has swung to the other extreme to identify with a new quadrilateral platform in West Asia, with Israel, UAE and the US.
    • India shrugs its shoulders as its “time-tested” friend, Moscow, bemoans the Quad and AUKUS.
    • This astonishing zigzagging in India’s regional policy takes the breath away.

    Challenges for India

    • India lives in its region and the Quad and AUKUS are of no help when it comes to Afghanistan.
    • Pakistan and China are riding high in the Hindu Kush; Moscow and Beijing have moved close in Central Asia which Washington is having a hard time in dealing with.
    • India’s much-touted “influence” in Kabul has turned out to be delusional.
    • Its own capacity to shape future events is virtually nil. These are the hard realities.

    Conclusion

    With the conference where India hopes to create an equivalent of the vajrayudha of the ancient Vedas which would allow India to reclaim its rightful place in the Afghan pantheon of gods and demi-gods.

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  • Solar Energy – JNNSM, Solar Cities, Solar Pumps, etc.

    Type Of Technologies in Solar Panels

    op-ed snap | Science Tech | Mains Paper 3: Awareness in various sc and tech fields

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Types of technologies in PV cells

    Mains level: Paper 3- Adoption of new technologies in solar power sector

    Context

    Large-scale solar projects in Tamil Nadu have seen rapid growth in recent years. By embracing advances in solar technologies, India can continue to lead in this sector.

    Factors driving growth

    • In the past five years, the cumulative installed capacity witnessed a four-fold increase in Tamil Nadu to 4.4 GW, as of March 2021.
    • High insolation level: Aiding this capacity addition is the State’s reasonably high insolation levels and matching solar potential, estimated at 279GW.
    • Decline in price: The sharp decline in the prices for solar and resulting cost competitiveness is another factor.
    • National target: Additionally, in response to the ambitious national targets and to spur sector specific development, Tamil Nadu released the Solar Policy of 2019, aiming for 9GW of solar installations by 2023.

    Type of technology use for solar panel

    • 1) Mono-crystalline Vs multi-crystalline panels: ‘First-generation’ solar cells use mono-crystalline and multi-crystalline silicon wafers.
    • The efficiency of mono-crystalline panels is about 24%, while for multi-crystalline panels it is about 20%.
    • Mono-crystalline cells are dominant today.
    • Although mono-crystalline panels are priced higher than multi-crystalline ones, the difference is diminishing and will soon attain parity.
    • This would result in mono panels being preferred over multi due to their higher efficiency, greater energy yield and lower cost of energy.
    • 2) Bifacial solar cells: Newer technologies incorporating crystalline silicon focus on bifacial solar cells, capable of harvesting energy from both sides of the panel.
    • Bifacials can augment the power output by 10-20%.
    • Within this, the Passive Emitter and Rear Contact technology is predicted to gain popularity. However, it is yet to achieve price parity for large-scale deployment.
    • 3) Thin-film technologies: It is classified as the ‘second generation of solar PVs.
    • In addition to being used in solar farms and rooftops, thin films with their low thickness, light weight and flexibility are also placed on electronic devices and vehicles, power streetlights and traffic signals.
    • Mainstream thin films utilise semiconductor chemistries like Cadmium Telluride with module efficiencies of around 19%.
    • Other technologies include Amorphous Silicon and Copper Indium Gallium Di-Selenide.
    • Nanocrystal and dye-sensitised solar cells are variants of the thin film technology. These are in early stages for large-scale commercial deployment
    • However, the efficiency of thin films is lower than that of crystalline silicon.
    • 4) Perovskite: These are grouped as ‘third generation’ and contain technologies such as perovskite, nanocrystal and dye-sensitised solar cells.
    • Perovskites have seen rapid advances in recent years, achieving cell efficiency of 18%.
    • They have the highest potential to replace silicon and disrupt the solar PV market, due to factors such as ease of manufacture, low production costs and potential for higher efficiencies.
    • 5) Use of Graphene Quantum-dots: Graphene is made of a single layer of carbon atoms bonded together as hexagons.
    • Solar cells made of graphene are of interest due to high theoretical efficiency of 60% and its super capacitating nature.
    •  Quantum-dot PVs use semiconductor nanocrystals exhibiting quantum mechanical properties capable of high efficiency of about 66%.
    • However, both these are in the early stages of research.

    Technologies to better integrate solar PVs into the grid

    • These technologies include weather forecasting and power output prediction systems; operation monitoring and control systems; and scheduling and optimisation systems.
    • Additionally, automatic systems have been developed for the smooth resolution of output fluctuations.

    Way forward

    • A portion of the budget for renewable energy targets should be set aside exclusively for new technologies.
    • Grants and subsidies can also be provided for their adoption.
    • Efforts must be taken to address gaps in research, development, and manufacturing capabilities in the solar sector through sector-specific investment and incentives.
    • There must also be greater industry-academia collaborations and funding opportunities for startups.
    • A comprehensive sector-specific skilling programme is also required for workers.

    Conclusion

    All these efforts would help the country become a global player in the solar power sector.

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  • Foreign Policy Watch: India – EU

    EU, India and the Indo-Pacific

    op-ed snap | International Relations | Mains Paper 2: Bilateral, Regional and Global Groupings and agreements involving India

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: EU

    Mains level: Paper 2- EU Indo-Pacific strategy

    Context

    Last month, the EU released it “EU strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific”. This document is very rich and needs to be analysed in the context of the rapprochement between the EU and India, which culminated in the June EU-India summit, a “turning point” according to some analysts.

    Important takeaways from EU’s Indo-Pacific strategy

    • The EU strategy in the Indo-Pacific appears to be over-determined by China’s expansionism.
    • “The display of force and increasing tensions in regional hotspots such as in the South and East China Sea and in the Taiwan Strait may have a direct impact on European security and prosperity,” the document says.
    • If security interests are highlighted in the beginning, they are rather low in the list of the objectives of the EU Indo-Pacific strategy, which are listed as: “Sustainable and inclusive prosperity; green transition; ocean governance; digital governance and partnerships; connectivity; security and defence; human security”.
    • Many paragraphs of the document are dedicated to values, including human rights.

    India does not figure prominently in the policy document

    • In terms of partnerships, India does not figure very prominently.
    • By contrast, ASEAN is presented as “an increasingly important partner for the EU”.
    • However, India appears in the list of the countries which already have an Indo-Pacific strategy and with which the EU is interested in a deeper “engagement”, a list made of ASEAN, Australia, India, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, the UK and US.
    • However, the document does not mention the role India could play in value-chain diversification, a top priority of the EU since the Covid-19 pandemic in particular.
    • Yet, India is mentioned few pages later in a similar perspective when it is said that the EU will help “low and middle-income Indo-Pacific partners to secure access to the Covid-19 vaccine through the Covax facility and through other means”.
    • What the French see as India’s main asset, its strategic dimension, is not central in the EU document.
    •  India is listed as the EU’s first partner only in one area: “under the project Enhancing Security Cooperation in and with Asia (ESIWA), which covers counter-terrorism, cybersecurity, maritime security and crisis management.
    • The pilot partners are India, Indonesia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Singapore and Vietnam, with EU military experts already operating in Indonesia and in Vietnam.”

    Understanding the German influence on the policy document

    • Thus, the EU strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific is more in tune with the German vision of the Indo-Pacific than with the French one.
    • The fact that the German approach prevails in the EU document is a reflection of the influence of Berlin’s weltanschauung (worldview) in Europe — something Brexit has accentuated, Great Britain’s Indo-Pacific strategy being similar to France’s.
    • But China’s attitude may force Germany — and the EU — to change their mind in the near future.

    Conclusion

    By and large, the Indo-Pacific strategy of the EU remains driven by economic considerations and India, whose main asset is geopolitical and even geostrategic, does not figure prominently in it.

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  • Suggestions on alternative foreign policy

    op-ed snap | International Relations | Mains Paper 2: India & Its Neighborhood – Relations

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Not much

    Mains level: Paper 2- Alternative foreign policy

    Context

    A document has emerged from the Centre for Policy Research (CPR) in the nature of an alternative to the present foreign and defence policies named ‘India’s Path to Power: Strategy in a world adrift’. It is authored by eight well-known strategists and thinkers.

    Background of the document

    • In 2012, many of the same authors had produced another document, ‘Non-alignment 2.0’, in the light of the global changes at that time, as a contribution to policymaking, without criticising the policies of the government.
    • The present document, however, is in the nature of an alternative to the foreign and defence policies of the government, as some of its tenets are not considered conducive to finding a path to power for India in the post-pandemic world.

    Change in foreign policy

    • The first term of the Modi government was remarkable for its innovative, bold and assertive foreign policy, which received general approbation.
    • After his unconventional peace initiatives with Pakistan failed, he took a firm stand and gained popularity at home.
    • His wish to have close relations with the other neighbours did not materialise, but his helpful attitude to them even in difficult situations averted any crisis.
    • He brought a new symphony into India-U.S. relations and engaged China continuously to find a new equation with it. India’s relations with Israel and the Arab countries became productive.
    • In its second term, the government dealt with some of the sensitive matters, which were essentially of a domestic nature such as Article 370, citizenship issues and farming regulation.
    • The external dimensions of these matters led to a challenge to the government’s foreign policy.

    Suggestions in the Centre for Policy Research report

    • Impact of domestic issues on foreign policy: The finding of the report is that domestic issues have impacted foreign policy and, therefore, India should set its house in order to stem the tide of international reaction.
    • This assertion at the beginning of the report is the heart of the report and it is repeated in different forms.
    • Importance of globalisation: The report rightly points out that “it would be incorrect and counterproductive for India to turn its back on globalisation…”
    • Revival of SAARC: The report also suggests that SAARC should be revived and that India should rejoin the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and continue its long-standing quest for membership in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation.
    • Strategic autonomy: The report also stresses the importance of strategic autonomy in today’s world where change is the only certainty.
    • Relations with the US and China: As for the India-U.S.- China triangle, the report makes the unusual suggestion that India should have better relations individually with both the U.S. and China than they have with each other.
    • The report concludes that since China will influence India’s external environment politically, economically and infrastructurally, there is no feasible alternative to a combination of engagement and competition with China.
    • Pakistan policy: The report asserts, “as long as our objectives of policy towards Pakistan are modest, resumption of dialogue and a gradual revival of trade, transport and other links are worth pursuing.”

    Conclusion

    The significance of the report is that it reveals the end of the era of consensus foreign policy and presents a shadow foreign policy for the first time in India. It remains to be seen whether any of the opposition parties will adopt it and fight the next election on the platform provided by the report.

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