PYQ Relevance:
[UPSC 2024] Distinguish between gender equality, gender equity and women’s empowerment. Why is it important to take gender concerns into account in programme design and implementation?
Linkage: Gender concerns are important in programme design, aligning with the article’s argument that nutrition programmes like POSHAN have limited impact. |
Mentor’s Comment: India’s free foodgrain programme, which supports 800 million people, shows a harsh truth: hunger and malnutrition are still big problems. In this fight against malnutrition, women and girls are often ignored. Even though the economy is growing and many welfare schemes exist, nutrition is still very unequal, especially for women. The government started the POSHAN Abhiyaan in 2018 to make India free of malnutrition by 2022. This scheme focuses on improving nutrition for pregnant women, new mothers, teenage girls, and young children. But, big differences in nutrition levels still remain.
Today’s editorial discusses malnutrition among women and girls in India, despite government efforts like the POSHAN Abhiyaan. This topic is useful for GS Paper I (Women-related Issues) and GS Paper II (Welfare State).
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Let’s learn!
Why in the News?
The government launched the POSHAN Abhiyaan to end malnutrition by 2022, but it has not achieved its goals.
How does malnutrition in India remain deeply gendered?
- Stark Anaemia Disparity: NFHS-5 reports 57% of women aged 15–49 are anaemic compared to 26% of men, highlighting deep nutritional inequality.
- Underweight Burden: Nearly 1 in 5 women is underweight, a sharp contrast to men and a sign of chronic deprivation.
- Entrenched Norms: In poorer households, women eat last and least, reinforcing invisible cultural biases that deny them basic nutritional rights.
- Economic Disempowerment: 49% of women lack control over their own earnings, which translates into less dietary agency and poor health outcomes.
- Nutrition as Justice: Malnutrition is framed not just as a health issue, but a social justice issue driven by patriarchal household structures.
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Why has POSHAN 2.0 failed to improve women’s nutrition significantly?
- Underutilization of Allocated Funds: Despite a large budget, only about 69% of funds were used by December 2022, limiting the programme’s reach and effectiveness. Eg: ₹24,000 crore allocated in 2022-23, but nearly one-third remained unspent.
- Rising Anaemia Rates Despite Investments: Anaemia prevalence among women increased from 53% to 57%between NFHS-4 and NFHS-5, showing no significant improvement. Eg: NFHS-5 data shows anaemia rates rose even after POSHAN 2.0’s interventions.
- Focus on Awareness Over Actual Nutrition: The programme has raised awareness (Jan Andolan) but awareness alone cannot address the root causes of malnutrition such as poverty and food scarcity.
- Ignoring Social and Economic Barriers: POSHAN 2.0 largely addresses food supply and supplementation but does not sufficiently tackle women’s economic dependence and decision-making power. Eg: 49% of women lack control over how their income is spent, limiting their ability to benefit from nutrition programmes.
How does women’s empowerment impact nutritional outcomes?
- Improved Spending on Nutrition: When women control income, they prioritize food and health for themselves and their families, leading to better nutrition. Eg: Nobel laureate Esther Duflo found that women’s control over extra income increases spending on children’s nutrition.
- Greater Decision-Making Power: Empowered women can make choices about their diet, healthcare, and food allocation, reducing malnutrition risks. Eg: NFHS-5 showed that women with decision-making power over finances had better nutritional status.
- Increased Access to Employment and Income: Economic empowerment through stable jobs helps women afford nutritious food and healthcare. Eg: Women with even modest independent income were found less likely to be undernourished in low-income communities.
- Enhanced Health Awareness and Education: Empowered women tend to have better knowledge of nutrition and health practices, improving family nutrition. Eg: Women participating in financial literacy and health workshops show better child feeding practices.
- Reduced Gender-Based Nutritional Inequality: Empowerment challenges social norms that deprioritize women’s nutrition, leading to more equitable food distribution. Eg: Households where women contribute economically often have less gender disparity in food consumption.
How can inter-scheme convergence tackle gendered malnutrition?
| Note: Inter-scheme convergence is the coordinated collaboration of multiple government programmes across sectors. |
- Integrated Service Delivery: Combining nutrition, health, and livelihood schemes ensures women receive comprehensive support addressing multiple malnutrition causes. Eg: Anganwadi centres providing food supplements along with skill training and job linkages.
- Efficient Resource Utilization: Coordination between departments reduces duplication and optimizes use of funds for women’s nutrition and empowerment. Eg: Joint budgeting for POSHAN Abhiyaan and women’s employment schemes leads to better fund utilization.
- Holistic Empowerment of Women: Linking nutrition programmes with economic and social empowerment schemes increases women’s ability to accessand afford nutritious food. Eg: Combining POSHAN 2.0 with financial literacy and credit schemes for women.
- Targeted Interventions in High-Risk Areas: Collaborative planning allows focused efforts in districts with severe malnutrition, addressing structural and social barriers. Eg: Health, nutrition, and livelihood departments working together in tribal districts to improve women’s nutrition.
- Multi-dimensional Monitoring and Evaluation: Integrated monitoring tracks progress on nutrition and women’s empowerment indicators simultaneously, improving accountability. Eg: Measuring both reduction in anaemia and increase in women’s decision-making power under joint schemes.
What steps can make women active agents in nutrition programmes? (Way forward)
- Enhance Economic Empowerment: Provide women with access to skill training, income opportunities, and financial literacy so they can afford nutritious food and make independent decisions. Eg: Linking Anganwadi centres with local skill development and credit schemes for women.
- Increase Decision-Making Power: Promote women’s participation in household and community decisions related to health, diet, and resource allocation. Eg: Community meetings where women lead discussions on nutrition and health interventions.
- Strengthen Awareness and Capacity Building: Use nutrition programmes to conduct health education, nutritional counselling, and leadership training, empowering women as knowledge bearers and change-makers. Eg: Financial literacy workshops and health awareness sessions at POSHAN Abhiyaan centres.
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Why in the News?
Permanent Lok Adalats in as many as 16 districts of Rajasthan have ceased functioning owing to the non-extension of tenure of their presiding officers and members.
About Permanent Lok Adalats (PLAs)
- Legal Basis: PLAs are statutory bodies established under Section 22-B of the Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987.
- Establishment: They were introduced in 2002 to offer speedy and affordable dispute resolution for public utility services.
- Disputes Handled: PLAs resolve issues related to transport (air, road, water), postal, telecom, electricity, water supply, sanitation, healthcare, and insurance.
- Composition: Each PLA has a Chairman (a current or retired District Judge or higher) and 2 members with experience in the relevant public utility sectors.
- Functioning: Unlike regular Lok Adalats, PLAs operate on a continuous basis and are always available for dispute resolution.
- Jurisdiction Limit: They can hear cases involving claims up to ₹1 crore but cannot take up non-compoundable criminal cases.
- Unique Power: If conciliation fails, the PLA has the authority to adjudicate the dispute and issue a final and BINDING award, just like a civil court.
Back2Basics: Lok Adalats vs Permanent Lok Adalats
|
Lok Adalats |
Permanent Lok Adalats |
| Nature |
Ad hoc, held occasionally |
Permanent, functional continuously |
| Jurisdiction |
Broad (civil, compoundable criminal, family, etc.) |
Limited to public utility service disputes |
| Dispute Stage |
Usually post-litigation |
Pre-litigation stage only |
| Panel Composition |
Judicial officers, lawyers, social workers |
Chairman (Judge) + 2 experts in utility services |
| Conciliation Role |
Only conciliatory; no decision if no settlement |
Can adjudicate if no settlement is reached |
| Decision |
Binding only if parties agree |
Award is final and binding, with no appeal |
| Legal Status |
Decree of a civil court |
Also a civil court decree, but with adjudication power |
| Appeal Provision |
No appeal, but fresh suit possible |
No appeal, but constitutional remedies may apply |
| [UPSC 2009] With reference to Lok Adalats, consider the following statements:
1. An award made by a Lok Adalat is deemed to be a degree of a civil court and no appeal lies against thereto before any court.
2. Matrimonial/Family disputes are not covered under Lok Adalat.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
Options: (a) 1 only * (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2 |
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Why in the News?
The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), in private collaboration, has successfully completed the restoration of Rajon ki Baoli, a 16th-century Lodi-era stepwell located in New Delhi.
About Rajon ki Baoli:
- Location: Situated in Mehrauli Archaeological Park, Delhi, around 400 meters south of Adham Khan’s Tomb.
- Build year: Built in 1506 CE by Daulat Khan Lodi, an official under Sikandar Lodi.
- Name Meaning: “Rajon ki Baoli” means “Stepwell of the Masons”, referring to raj mistris, not royalty.
- Structure: The stepwell is rectangular, covering 1,610 sq m, and is 13.4 meters deep.
- Design: It is a 4-level structure, with only the topmost tier visible from ground level.
- Architectural Features:
- Includes verandas, arched corridors, 12-pillared arcades, and stucco medallions.
- The complex also has a mosque, a tomb, and a chhatri (pavilion).
- Purpose: Served as a water source and resting place and had social-religious utility.
About the Lodi Dynasty:
- The Lodi Dynasty ruled the Delhi Sultanate from 1451 to 1526.
- Founder: Established by Bahlul Lodi, the first Afghan ruler of Delhi.
- Territorial Control: Dominated Punjab, Jaunpur, Gwalior, and the Upper Ganga Valley.
- Key Rulers:
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- Bahlul Lodi (1451–1489): Annexed Jaunpur and solidified Afghan influence in northern India.
- Sikandar Lodi (1489–1517): Founded Agra, introduced agricultural reforms, standardised land with Gaz-i-Sikandari, and patronised literature and music. He imposed jizya and demolished temples in Mathura, reflecting intolerance.
- Ibrahim Lodi (1517–1526): Lost the First Battle of Panipat to Babur, ending the dynasty and the Sultanate.
- Successor: Their fall marked the shift from the Delhi Sultanate to the Mughal Empire in Indian history.
Tap to read more about Traditional Water Harvesting Systems in India.
| [UPSC 2006] Which one of the following is the correct chronological order of the Afghan rulers to the throne of Delhi?
(a) Sikandar Shah – Ibrahim Lodi – Bahlol Khan Lodi
(b) Sikandar Shah – Bahlol Khan Lodi – Ibrahim Lodi
(c) Bahlol Khan Lodi – Sikandar Shah – Ibrahim Lodi*
(d) Bahlol Khan Lodi – Ibrahim Lodi – Sikandar Shah |
ASI completes conservation work in Lodhi-era stepwell – The Hindu
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Why in the News?
The Department of Posts has released a commemorative postage stamp to mark 125 years of the Kodaikanal Solar Observatory (KoSO)—one of India’s oldest and most significant astronomical research centres dedicated to studying the Sun.
About the Kodaikanal Solar Observatory (KoSO):
- Founding: Established in the late 19th century, KoSO was established in 1899 after atmospheric surveys by Charles Michie Smith.
- Location: It is located in Kodaikanal, Tamil Nadu, in the Palani Hills, chosen for its excellent sky conditions.
- Early Observations: Initially focused on observing sunspots, solar prominences, and solar radiation.
- Modern Equipment: Now equipped with the H-alpha telescope (for flares and prominences) and WARM (for high-resolution sunspot imaging).
- Institutional Role: Became part of the Indian Institute of Astrophysics (IIA) in April 1971.
- Scientific Importance: KoSO contributes to understanding the Sun’s effect on Earth’s climate and space weather.
Important Observations / Discoveries:
- Evershed Effect (1909): Discovered by John Evershed, it was the first observation of radial gas outflows in sunspots, a key finding in solar physics.
- Historic Solar Archive (1904–2017): Created one of the world’s longest continuous solar datasets.
- Digitization: First Indian observatory to digitise solar data (since 1984); currently maintains a digital archive of 1.48 lakh images (~10 TB).
- Wider Scientific Work: Extended research into cosmic rays, radio astronomy, ionospheric physics, and stellar astrophysics over the decades.
| [UPSC 2016] Discuss India’s achievements in the field of Space Science and Technology. How the application of this technology has helped India in its socio-economic development? |
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Why in the News?
May 16 is observed annually as Sikkim Day, marking the historic occasion in 1975 when the Kingdom of Sikkim formally became a state of India.
About the Kingdom of Sikkim
- Foundation: The Kingdom of Sikkim was established in 1642, when three Tibetan lamas crowned Phuntsong Namgyal as the first Chogyal (monarch).
- Namgyal dynasty: It ruled Sikkim for 333 years, maintaining a Buddhist monarchy until 1975.
- Treaty of Tumlong (1861): It made Sikkim a British protectorate, where the Chogyals retained internal authority while the British handled external affairs.
- Other key treaties shaping Sikkim’s status: These included the Treaty of Titaliya (1817), Calcutta Convention (1890), and Lhasa Convention (1904), which defined borders and reaffirmed British influence.
How did Sikkim join India?
- Post-1947 Status: After India’s independence, Sikkim did not join India like other princely states, due to its unique British treaty status.
- Nehru’s Approach: While Sardar Patel and B.N. Rau wanted Sikkim to accede, Jawaharlal Nehru opted for a Standstill Agreement to preserve the status quo.
- Indo-Sikkim Treaty of 1950: This treaty made Sikkim an Indian protectorate, with India managing defence, foreign affairs, and communications.
- Role of Sikkim National Congress: Led by Kazi Dorji, the SNC became the key pro-democracy and pro-merger party.
- 1973 Agreement: After widespread protests, a tripartite agreement was signed between the Chogyal, the Government of India, and the Sikkimese parties.
- Democratic Transition: In 1974, elections were held, and a new constitution reduced the monarch’s powers.
- Referendum of 1975: In April 1975, over 97% of voters supported abolishing the monarchy and merging with India.
- Merger with India: In May 1975, the 36th Constitutional Amendment was passed, and Sikkim became the 22nd state of India. It added Article 371F to provide special provisions for the state of Sikkim.
Back2Basics: Article 371F of the Indian Constitution
- Constitutional Origin: Added by the 36th Amendment Act (1975) when Sikkim became the 22nd state of India.
- Objective: Protects Sikkim’s unique history, culture, and legal system during integration.
- Legislative Assembly: Sikkim must have at least 30 MLAs, fewer than other states under Article 170.
- Parliamentary Representation: Sikkim has 1 Lok Sabha and 1 Rajya Sabha seat, with the Assembly electing the MP.
- Governor’s Role: Governor holds special responsibility for peace, equity, and development.
- Pre-Merger Laws: Existing laws and judgments before 1975 remain valid unless changed by Parliament.
- Presidential Powers: President can modify laws and extend central laws to Sikkim within two years post-merger.
- Land and Job Rights: Only 1961-registered Sikkimese can own land or hold state government jobs.
- Tax Exemption: Original Sikkimese were exempt from income tax.
- Recent Controversy: The Finance Bill, 2023 expanded the term “Sikkimese”, raising concerns over erosion of indigenous rights.
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| [UPSC 2007] Which one of the following is the correct chronological order of the formation as full States of the Indian Union?
Options:
(a) Sikkim-Arunachal Pradesh-Nagaland-Haryana
(b) Nagaland-Haryana-Sikkim-Arunachal Pradesh *
(c) Sikkim-Haryana-Nagaland-Arunachal Pradesh
(d) Nagaland-Arunachal Pradesh-Sikkim-Haryana |
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Why in the News?
Recently, in Majitha, Amritsar district of Punjab, 21 people aged between 26 and 80 died and 10 others were critically hospitalised after allegedly drinking spurious liquor.
| Note: Hooch tragedies refer to incidents where people die or fall seriously ill after consuming illicit or spurious liquor. |
What systemic issues contribute to recurring hooch tragedies in India?
- Poverty and Social Vulnerability: Poor, daily wage earners often turn to cheap illicit liquor as a coping mechanism. Eg: Victims in the 2023 Punjab hooch tragedy were mostly from low-income backgrounds.
- Easy Availability and Misuse of Methanol: Methanol, an industrial chemical, is cheap, easily pilfered, and often used in spurious liquor despite being highly toxic. Eg: Bootleggers dilute methanol to create hooch, as seen in several mass poisoning incidents.
- Weak Regulatory Oversight and State Capacity: Lax control over methanol transport and lack of inter-state coordination enable theft and illegal use. Eg: No central framework exists to monitor methanol movement, despite repeated incidents.
- Corruption and Nexus Among Stakeholders: A deep-rooted nexus between bootleggers, local politicians, and police often shields the culprits. Eg: In many hooch cases, police are suspended post-tragedy, but no long-term accountability follows.
- Ineffective Legal Enforcement: Laws like the Poison Act are rarely used, and convictions are rare due to weak evidence or delayed trials. Eg: In the 2015 Malvani case, only 4 out of 14 accused were convicted after 9 years.
Who is primarily accountable for spurious liquor deaths?
- Bootleggers and Illicit Manufacturers: They produce and distribute toxic brews, often using dangerous chemicals like methanol for profit. Eg: In the 2023 Punjab hooch case, bootleggers used methanol-laced liquor that killed at least 23 people.
- Corrupt Law Enforcement Agencies: Police often ignore illegal activities due to bribes or political pressure, enabling the supply chain to flourish. Eg: After the Punjab incident, several police officers were suspended for negligence.
- Regulatory Authorities and State Governments: Weak oversight of methanol distribution, lack of tracking mechanisms, and poor implementation of prohibition laws lead to repeated failures. Eg: States lack robust frameworks to monitor industrial alcohol movement, allowing diversion.
- Local Politicians and Political Nexus: Some politicians support or protect bootleggers for electoral or financial gains, compromising public safety.
What are the legislations to regulate spurious liquor or illicit alcohol in India?
- The Poisons Act, 1919: Regulates the manufacture, possession, sale, and transport of poisonous substances like methanol, which is often diverted to make illicit liquor. Eg: Methanol is classified as a Class B poison under this Act, but its diversion is a key issue in hooch tragedies.
- The Essential Commodities Act, 1955: Controls the production and distribution of essential goods, including alcohol ingredients, to prevent hoarding and illegal diversion. Eg: Used to regulate methanol supply and prevent pilferage that fuels illicit liquor trade.
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Why has the legal framework failed to ensure convictions in illicit liquor cases?
- Weak Application of Existing Laws: Cases are often booked under prohibition laws or general criminal provisions, but not under stronger laws like the Poison Act or organized crime statutes, leading to weaker prosecution. Eg: In the 2015 Malvani hooch tragedy (Mumbai), 105 people died, but the court acquitted 10 out of 14 accusedafter 9 years; none was convicted under the Poison Act.
- Poor Evidence Collection and Investigation: Police often fail to collect scientific and documentary evidence, link the entire supply chain, or prove intent and causation beyond reasonable doubt. Eg: In multiple cases, including the 2023 Bihar hooch incident, forensic reports were delayed or inconclusive, weakening the case in court.
- Lack of Inter-State Regulatory Mechanism for Methanol: Methanol, used industrially, is not illegal in itself. Without a centralised tracking system, tracing its diversion becomes difficult, weakening the case against suppliers. Eg: Bootleggers source methanol from authorised dealers across states, making it hard to fix legal liability on any single actor.
What policy measures can prevent methanol diversion into the illicit liquor trade? (Way forward)
- Centralised Methanol Monitoring Framework: Establish a nationwide tracking system for methanol production, transport, and sale using barcoding or GPS tracking. Eg: Like the track-and-trace system for pharmaceutical drugs, methanol consignments can be monitored to prevent theft or leakage.
- Tighter Regulation and Licensing of Dealers: Enforce strict licensing norms for methanol dealers with regular audits and surprise inspections; cancel licences for non-compliance. Eg: Some states classify methanol as a Class B poison and regulate it under the Poison Act.
- Criminal Liability for Supply Chain Negligence: Amend laws to hold manufacturers and transporters accountable for diversion due to negligence or collusion, with higher penalties and jail terms. Eg: In the Punjab hooch tragedy (2020), weak action against upstream suppliers limited accountability—stronger legal deterrents can close such gaps.
Mains PYQ:
[UPSC 2024] Explain how narco-terrorism has emerged as a serious threat across the country. Suggest suitable measures to counter narco- terrorism.
Linkage: Criminal activities linked to trafficking dangerous substances for profit and the security threats they pose, similar in nature to the illicit methanol trade described in the article.
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Why in the News?
On April 22, a terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Kashmir, killed 26 civilians. In response, the Indian government took several diplomatic steps, including suspending the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT).
Why is the Indus Waters Treaty crucial for India-Pakistan ties?
- Framework for Water Sharing: The IWT provides a clear, legally binding agreement on how the Indus River and its tributaries are shared, reducing the risk of water conflicts between India and Pakistan. Eg: India controls the eastern rivers (Ravi, Beas, Sutlej), while Pakistan manages the western rivers (Indus, Jhelum, Chenab), helping avoid disputes over water access.
- Endurance Amid Political Tensions: Despite wars and terrorist attacks (e.g., 2008 Mumbai attacks, 2019 Pulwama attack), the treaty has endured for over six decades, maintaining a vital channel of cooperation between two hostile neighbors. Eg: Even after the 2019 Pulwama terror attack, the treaty remained a key framework for managing shared water resources.
- Diplomatic Leverage and Stability: The treaty serves as a strategic tool in diplomatic relations, with India occasionally using it as leverage while ensuring continued water flow, preventing escalation into broader conflict. Eg: After the 2023 Pahalgam attack, India announced suspension of some treaty provisions as a diplomatic response.
How does climate change affect the Indus Basin?
- Glacial Melt and Water Flow Variability: The Indus Basin depends heavily on glacier-fed rivers, with about 80% of water coming from glacial melt. Climate change accelerates glacier melting, causing short-term floods and long-term water shortages during dry seasons.
- Rising Water Demand and Scarcity: Growing population and agricultural needs increase pressure on limited water resources, worsening water scarcity in the basin, especially in Pakistan, where water availability has dropped below critical levels. Eg: Irrigation losses in Pakistan exceed 50% in some areas, threatening food security.
- Impact on Agriculture and Livelihoods: Reduced and unpredictable water flow due to climate change affects crop yields and fisheries, destabilizing rural economies dependent on the Indus Basin.
How did colonial irrigation projects influence post-independence water disputes?
- Extensive Canal Systems Built by British: The British developed large canal networks for irrigation, creating shared water infrastructure across regions. Eg: The 1915 Triple Canal Project linked major tributaries, affecting river flows between future India and Pakistan.
- Altered Natural River Flow: British dams and barrages controlled floods and irrigation but changed river courses, leading to downstream access issues. Eg: Barrages on the Indus and its tributaries shifted water availability patterns.
- No Formal Water Sharing Post-Partition: At independence, India and Pakistan inherited interconnected irrigation but lacked agreements on water distribution. Eg: This led to conflicts over the use of eastern and western rivers after 1947.
- Regional Water Imbalances: Colonial irrigation prioritized certain areas, creating uneven water distribution that fueled disputes. Eg: Punjab’s canal systems served both countries but became points of contention.
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What lessons can India draw from other river treaties? (Way forward)
- Promote Cooperative Water Management: Successful treaties often emphasize joint management and data sharing to build trust and avoid conflicts. Eg: The Mekong River Commission involves multiple countries collaborating on water usage and flood control.
- Include Climate Change Adaptation: Modern treaties factor in environmental changes and sustainable usage to address future water challenges. Eg: The Nile Basin Initiative incorporates climate resilience strategies for water-sharing among East African nations.
- Establish Dispute Resolution Mechanisms: Effective treaties have clear, impartial conflict resolution processes to handle disagreements peacefully. Eg: The Danube River Protection Convention includes mechanisms for arbitration and mediation among European countries.
Mains PYQ:
[UPSC 2020] In what way have the science-based technologies triggered off striking changes in agriculture?
Linkage: Genome editing is a science-based technology that represents a significant advancement capable of triggering changes in agriculture by developing improved crop varieties.
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