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North-East India – Security and Developmental Issues

[26th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Eight North-Eastern states with International borders, 0.13% of exports

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2024] India has a long and troubled border with China and Pakistan, fraught with contentious issues. Examine the conflicting issues and security challenges along the border. Also give out the development being undertaken in these areas under the Border Area Development Programme (BADP) and Border Infrastructure and Management (BIM) Scheme.

Linkage: This PYQ on BADP/BIM links with the article’s focus on the Northeast, where 5,400 km of borders yield only 0.13% exports. Both stress that borders must be treated as developmental, not just security, frontiers — a recurring UPSC theme.

Mentor’s Comment

India’s trade story is dominated by coastal powerhouses, while the Northeast, despite its 5,400 km of international borders and strategic location, contributes a meagre 0.13% of exports. The recent 25% U.S. tariff on Indian goods has exposed not just external vulnerabilities but also deep structural and spatial imbalances in India’s trade economy. This article dissects the marginalisation of the Northeast in India’s export architecture, the missed opportunities in border trade, and the urgent need to diversify resilience across regions.

Introduction

When the United States imposed an additional 25% tariff on imports from India in August 2025, New Delhi responded with restraint, continuing its familiar strategy of quiet diplomacy. But beneath this diplomatic choreography lies a deeper crisis: India’s export economy is dangerously centralised. While four States, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka, account for more than 70% of exports, the entire Northeast contributes only 0.13%, despite sharing long borders with multiple countries and lying at the crossroads of South and Southeast Asia. This exclusion is not incidental but structural, reflecting decades of neglect in infrastructure, policy, and representation.

Why is this in the news?

The U.S. tariff hike of 25% against India is significant not just for its external trade implications but for the internal fault lines it exposes. For the first time, the spotlight has shifted from India-U.S. friction to India’s own spatial imbalance in trade. Striking numbers illustrate the scale of the problem: Gujarat alone contributes 33% of exports, while eight northeastern States together contribute only 0.13%. This stark contrast shows that India negotiates global trade deals while leaving its eastern frontier out of the economic map. It highlights a major failure in policy design, where infrastructure and incentives remain clustered in a few industrial enclaves, leaving large swathes of the country economically orphaned.

Why is India’s export economy so centralised?

  1. Export concentration: Gujarat, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka together account for over 70% of exports, with Gujarat alone contributing 33%.
  2. Policy alignment: Infrastructure, political continuity, and incentives have been systematically channelled to these States.
  3. Peripheral neglect: Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh together contribute barely 5%, showing how populous regions remain trade lightweights.

Why does the Northeast remain marginalised in trade?

  1. Minuscule share: Eight northeastern States, despite 5,400 km of international borders, contribute only 0.13% of exports.
  2. Security apparatus over trade: Borders are securitised for counterinsurgency, not for commerce. Goods do not move, but surveillance forces do.
  3. Policy exclusion: No representation from the Northeast in the PM’s Economic Advisory Council or the Board of Trade.
  4. Ignored in planning: The DGFT’s 2024 export strategy ran into 87 pages without a single mention of Northeast corridors.

What are the ground-level impacts of neglect?

  1. Tea economy in crisis: Assam produces over half of India’s tea output, but branding and packaging are almost absent. A 25% tariff hike threatens viability, with planters in Dibrugarh warning of job losses.
  2. Oil vulnerability: Numaligarh Refinery’s expansion requires imports, increasingly relying on discounted Russian crude. U.S. sanctions risk choking supplies, with Golaghat bearing the brunt, not Mumbai.

How has border trade with Myanmar collapsed?

  1. Vanishing corridors: Zokhawthar (Mizoram) and Moreh (Manipur) have withered into skeletal outposts.
  2. Free Movement Regime scrapped (2024): Severed kinship ties, daily trade, and hill economies.
  3. Performative infrastructure: Roads and customs offices exist on paper, cold-chain facilities are missing.
  4. Security logic over market demand: Borders function more as containment grids than trade hubs.

How does global context deepen India’s challenge?

  1. China’s influence: Consolidating control in northern Myanmar through infrastructure investments and militia alliances.
  2. India’s inertia: The India-Myanmar-Thailand Highway remains unfinished, symbolic of missed opportunities.
  3. Global supply chains shifting: Southeast Asia builds new corridors, but India clings to colonial-era coastal routes.

What does this reveal about India’s trade resilience?

  1. Dependence on few corridors: A flood in Gujarat or strike in Tamil Nadu can paralyse exports.
  2. Northeast excluded by design: Not just oversight, but structural neglect in infrastructure, logistics, and institutions.
  3. Strategic hollowness: India claims Indo-Pacific leadership but leaves its eastern flank brittle and disconnected.

Conclusion

India cannot aspire to regional leadership while its Northeast remains economically orphaned. The 25% U.S. tariffs are not just a foreign policy irritant but a reminder that trade resilience must mean dispersion, not dependence. The Northeast needs roads, warehouses, and representation, not rhetoric. Integrating this frontier into the export map is essential for both economic equity and strategic credibility. Without it, India risks negotiating global trade while ignoring the geographies that could anchor its cohesion.

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J&K – The issues around the state

Listen to Ladakh

Introduction

Ladakh has historically been a symbol of loyalty, sacrifice, and national integration. From its soldiers’ valour in wars to its monasteries embodying peace, it has stood by India unfailingly. However, the grant of Union Territory status in 2019 has created unexpected discontent, with Ladakhis now demanding constitutional safeguards, ecological balance, and meaningful empowerment. Delhi’s response to Ladakh is not just a matter of regional governance but also of strategic national importance.

Why in News (Timeline of Demands)

  1. August 2019: Ladakh granted Union Territory (UT) status after abrogation of Article 370. Initially welcomed in Leh but caused discontent in Kargil.
  2. 2020–21: Fears of demographic change, land alienation, and ecological damage surface; demand for inclusion in the Sixth Schedule grows.
  3. 2021: Formation of Leh Apex Body (Buddhist leaders) and Kargil Democratic Alliance (Muslim leaders). Despite historic rivalry, both groups unite demanding constitutional safeguards.
  4. 2022–23: Protests intensify for empowerment of Hill Councils, job reservation, and land protection.
  5. 2024–25: Discontent spills into the streets; Ladakh witnesses unprecedented Buddhist–Muslim solidarity. Calls grow louder for legislative assembly or statehood, beyond Sixth Schedule status.

Ladakh’s legacy of loyalty and sacrifice

  1. Military contributions: From 1947 raids to the 1999 Kargil War, Ladakhis have consistently defended India’s frontiers. Heroes like Colonel Chewang Rinchen and Sonam Wangchuk embody this spirit.
  2. Cultural resilience: Monasteries, mosques, and local traditions reflect Ladakh’s unique identity and trust in India’s unity.

Why discontent has emerged after 2019

  1. Union Territory status: While celebrated initially, it stripped Ladakh of legislative empowerment, leaving governance centralised.
  2. Fear of marginalisation: Locals worry about land, jobs, and ecology in the absence of Sixth Schedule protections.
  3. Geostrategic location: Proximity to Chinese and Pakistani borders heightens the stakes of dissatisfaction.

Community unity and mobilization

  1. Leh Apex Body and Kargil Democratic Alliance: For the first time, Buddhists and Muslims have forged a common platform.
  2. Shared agenda: Demands include strengthened Hill Councils, greater representation, and protection of Ladakh’s unique ecological and cultural heritage.
  3. Grassroots mobilization: Local movements are engaging with Delhi directly, seeking dialogue and recognition.

Delhi’s challenge and way forward

  1. Triangular balance: Policies must reconcile development, ecology, and empowerment.
  2. Prudent engagement: The Centre must avoid delay, ensure quiet consultations, and expand local representation.
  3. Strategic necessity: Addressing Ladakh’s demands is vital to prevent alienation in a sensitive frontier region.

National and strategic significance

  1. Security implications: Every decision has ripple effects across the Line of Actual Control and Pakistan frontiers.
  2. Democratic ethos: Empowering Ladakh demonstrates India’s ability to blend federalism with strategic caution.
  3. Symbolic importance: How Delhi treats Ladakh will echo in other sensitive regions seeking greater autonomy.

Conclusion

Ladakh’s loyalty to India has been unquestionable. Yet its current grievances demand sensitive handling. By combining development with ecological protection and democratic empowerment, Delhi can reaffirm Ladakh’s trust and secure this frontier for future generations. This is a test of India’s governance maturity and strategic foresight.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2022] While the national political parties in India favour centralisation, the regional parties are in favour of State autonomy. Comment

Linkage: Ladakh after its 2019 Union Territory status is a live case of the centralisation vs. autonomy debate. The Centre justified direct control citing security and integration, reflecting the national parties’ bias for centralisation. Yet, Ladakh’s Buddhist and Muslim groups now demand Sixth Schedule safeguards and stronger Hill Councils, echoing the regional push for autonomy to protect land, ecology, and culture. This tension captures the essence of the PYQ — the challenge of balancing national integration with regional aspirations in India’s federal system.

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Citizenship and Related Issues

Citizens, domicile, migrants: Why should we worry about Provincial Citizenship?

Introduction

Indian citizenship was envisioned as singular and uniform, rising above provincial or ethnic divides. Yet, as Ranjan’s recent research (2025) and Sarkar’s reflections suggest, the rise of provincial citizenship has complicated this narrative. Rooted in nativist politics and tied to emotional belonging to one’s State, this phenomenon is altering the politics of domicile, migration, and rights. While the COVID-19 migrant crisis exposed vulnerabilities of inter-state labour, subsequent domicile policies and debates around NRC, SIR, and regional protectionism have re-opened constitutional fault lines. The issue compels us to revisit constitutional provisions, historical warnings, and contemporary challenges to Indian federalism.

Why in the News

The discussion on provincial citizenship has gained traction because it reflects a sharp break from the constitutional promise of uniform Indian citizenship. Jharkhand’s domicile politics, post-2000, demonstrates how regional grievances can weaponize ‘sons of the soil’ sentiment. J&K’s domicile rules post-2019 abrogation illustrate how domicile is used as a tool of inclusion and protection. Assam’s migration-linked exclusions add another layer of contestation. For the first time, an “unofficial citizenship” has become powerful enough to rival the official national framework, forcing judicial interventions and challenging the foundational principle of equality under Article 16(2). This is no longer a marginal issue but a structural problem, shaping electoral politics and democratic legitimacy.

What is meant by Provincial Citizenship?

  1. Concept: Rooted in nativist politics, it emphasizes belonging to a State rather than to India as a whole.
  2. Political use: Gains leverage in regional elections by mobilising ‘locals’ against ‘outsiders’.
  3. Entanglement: Blurs lines between spatial identity, freedom of movement, and constitutional citizenship.

Issues with Provincial Citizenship

  1. Exclusion & Discrimination: Creates second-class citizens among internal migrants, violating the spirit of Articles 15, 16(2), 19.
  2. Fragmentation of National Unity: Undermines the principle of one nation, one citizenship, fostering parochialism and regionalism.
  3. Economic Inefficiency: Restricts labour mobility, hurting industries and services in cities dependent on migrant workers.
  4. Judicial Burden: Conflicts between migrants’ rights and domicile rules often end up in Supreme Court adjudication, showing gaps in political resolution.

Benefits of Provincial Citizenship

  1. Local Identity & Belonging: Strengthens emotional connection of “sons of the soil” to their State.
  2. Protection of Vulnerable Groups: In J&K, domicile rules safeguarded historically excluded groups like Valmikis, Gorkhas, and West Pakistan refugees.
  3. Equitable Resource Allocation: Ensures locals are not overshadowed by migrants in jobs, education, and land rights.
  4. Democratic Mobilisation: Acts as a rallying point in regional politics, giving voice to sub-national concerns.

How has Jharkhand become a case study?

  1. Statehood in 2000: Did not end sub-nationalist demands but transformed them into domicile-based politics.
  2. Domicile politics: Used to articulate majoritarian grievances against minority elites.
  3. Departure: Unlike Sixth Schedule areas, it encompassed the entire State, challenging federal norms and Article 16(2).

What role does Jammu & Kashmir and Assam play?

  1. J&K (Post-2019): Domicile introduced to safeguard minorities like Valmikis, Gorkhas, West Pakistan refugees after abrogation of Article 370.
  2. Assam: NRC and SIR processes highlight anxieties around migration and exclusion.

How does this challenge the idea of One Citizenship?

  1. Undermines Article 15, 16, 19: Domicile restrictions contradict equality and mobility rights.
  2. Supreme Court interventions: Conflicts between migrants and provincial citizenship often need judicial resolution.
  3. Multiple vocabularies: Terms like citizen-outsiders (Roy), differentiated citizenship (Jayal), paused citizens (Sharma), hyphenated nationality (Sarkar) capture fragmented realities.

Is this a new phenomenon or an old concern?

  1. Historical context: Myron Weiner’s Sons of the Soil (1978) already flagged migration-linked conflicts.
  2. SRC Report 1955: Explicitly warned that domicile rules undermine the concept of common Indian citizenship.
  3. Newness: The idea has now moved from reports and theory to an active political reality.

Way Forward

  1. Constitutional Balance: Uphold national citizenship guarantees while allowing limited affirmative safeguards for locals.
  2. Labour Protections: Create a national migrant workers framework to ensure portability of rights and benefits.
  3. Dialogue & Federal Coordination: Encourage Centre–State mechanisms to harmonise domicile policies with constitutional provisions.
  4. Judicial & Policy Oversight: Courts to curb excesses, and Parliament may revisit domicile laws as warned by the States Reorganisation Commission (1955).
  5. Promote Inclusion: Foster constitutional morality and fraternity so regional protections don’t become exclusionary.

Conclusion

The rise of provincial citizenship shows that the unity of Indian citizenship is being tested not by foreign threats but by internal contestations of belonging. Jharkhand’s domicile struggles, Assam’s NRC anxieties, and J&K’s experiments demonstrate that citizenship is increasingly layered, contested, and politicised. Unless reconciled, such provincial claims may fracture the inclusive national vision of Akhanda Bharat and weaken democratic federalism.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2024] Why do large cities tend to attract more migrants than smaller towns? Discuss in the light of conditions in developing countries.

Linkage: This article is best linked with the GS1 PYQ “Why do large cities tend to attract more migrants than smaller towns?” as it directly discusses internal migration, mobility vs sedentarism, and the allure of metropolises for rural workers despite precarity, highlighted starkly during COVID-19. It also adds depth by showing how migrants face exclusion through provincial citizenship and domicile politics, raising constitutional questions under Articles 15, 16(2), and 19 and reflecting federal tensions. For UPSC, it is relevant across GS1 (urbanisation, migration, regionalism), GS2 (citizenship, federalism, rights), GS3 (labour and economic vulnerabilities), and GS4 (constitutional morality vs exclusion), making it a rich theme that connects social realities with polity and governance debates.

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Indian Missile Program Updates

Intermediate Range Agni-Prime Missile

Why in the News?

The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and the Strategic Forces Command (SFC) successfully test-fired the Agni-Prime missile from a rail-based mobile launcher, marking India’s first such operational test.

About Agni-Prime Missile:

  • About: 6th missile in the Agni family, developed under the Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP).
  • Design: Two-stage, solid-propellant, canisterised surface-to-surface ballistic missile.
  • Range and Payload: 1,000–2,000 km; covering both China and Pakistan; Payload: Up to 1.5 tonnes (1,500–3,000 kg).
  • Navigation: Dual redundant guidance system; Maneuverable Re-entry Vehicle (MaRV) with delta fins to evade missile defence systems.
  • Deployment: Already inducted in road-mobile canisterised version; now tested with rail-based mobile launcher.

Global Context: Rail-Based Missile Technology:

With Agni-P rail launch, joins this select strategic group.

  • Soviet Union: Operated RT-23 Molodets Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) on rail; dismantled after START Treaty.
  • Russia: Planned Barguzin rail-mobile ICBM system, shelved to focus on hypersonics.
  • United States: Explored rail-mobile Minuteman and Peacekeeper ICBMs, cancelled post-Cold War.
  • China: Tested rail-mobile DF-41 ICBM in 2016.
  • North Korea: Tested rail-based Short-Range Ballistic Missile system in 2021.

Significance of Rail-Based Launch:

  • Mobility & Concealment: Railcars move across the network, hide in tunnels, evade satellite detection.
  • Survivability: Unlike silos, less vulnerable to pre-emptive strikes.
  • Rapid Response: Enables quick deployment and shorter reaction time.
  • Strategic Deterrence: Boosts credible second-strike nuclear capability.
  • Technological Showcase: Demonstrates India’s maturity in missile systems.

Back2Basics: Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP)

  • Launch: Conceived in 1983 by Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam to achieve self-reliance in missile technology.
  • Completion: 2012.
  • Missile Family (P-A-T-N-A):
    • Prithvi – Short-range ballistic missile.
    • Agni – Ballistic missiles of multiple ranges (Agni I–V, Agni-P).
    • Trishul – Short-range surface-to-air missile.
    • Nag – 3rd generation anti-tank guided missile.
    • Akash – Medium-range surface-to-air missile.

Agni Series and its Development:

  • Origins: Began in 1983 under the IGMDP led by Dr. Kalam.
  • Evolution: Started as technology demonstrators for re-entry vehicles; later developed into full-fledged strategic missiles.
  • Variants:
    • Agni-I: 700–1,200 km range, inducted 2007.
    • Agni-II: 2,000–3,000 km range, inducted 2010.
    • Agni-III: 3,500 km range, highly accurate, tested 2007.
    • Agni-IV: 4,000 km range, advanced avionics, tested 2011.
    • Agni-V: 5,000+ km range, ICBM, MIRV capable.
    • Agni Prime (Agni-P): 1,000–2,000 km, lighter, tested 2021.
    • Agni-VI: Under development, 6,000–10,000 km, MIRV + submarine launch capable.
  • Significance: Backbone of India’s nuclear triad, enhancing deterrence against regional and global adversaries.

 

[UPSC 2023] Consider the following statements:

1. Ballistic missiles are jet-propelled at subsonic speeds throughout their fights, while cruise missiles are rocket-powered only in the initial phase of flight.

2. Agni-V is a medium-range supersonic cruise missile, while BrahMos is a solid-fuelled intercontinental ballistic missile.

Which of the statements given above is/are correct?

(a) 1 only (b) 2 only (c) Both 1 and 2 (d) Neither 1 nor 2*

 

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MGNREGA Scheme

Centre amends MGNREGA for Water Conservation in Scarcity Zones

Why in the News?

The Central Government has amended the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (2005) to mandate a minimum share of funds for water conservation and harvesting works. Earlier this month, MGNREGA completed 20 years of its implementation.

What is entailed in this MGNREGA (2005) Amendment?

  • Objective: Prioritise long-term water management, shift focus from reactive drought relief to preventive groundwater conservation.
  • Provision Amended: Paragraph 4(2), Schedule I of MGNREGA (2005).
  • Mandate: Minimum share of MGNREGA funds earmarked for water conservation & harvesting works.
  • Allocation Criteria: Based on groundwater stress classification (Central Ground Water Board (CGWB) assessment):
    • 65% in over-exploited / critical (dark zones).
    • 40% in semi-critical blocks.
    • 30% in safe/non-critical blocks.
  • Responsibility: District Programme Coordinator / Programme Officer must ensure compliance.
  • Earlier Provision: Gram Panchayats could prioritise works; at least 60% of funds had to go to agriculture & allied works, including water.

About MGNREGA:

  • Overview: MGNREGS is a rights-based Centrally Sponsored Scheme launched under the MGNREGA Act of 2005 to ensure the Right to Work for rural households.
  • Origins:
    • The idea of employment guarantee in India began with Maharashtra’s pilot, Employment Guarantee Scheme (MEGS), in 1965 under the Vasantrao Naik government.
    • At the national level, the idea was first proposed in 1991 by then PM P. V. Narasimha Rao and later enacted in 2005.
  • Employment Guarantee: It provides 100 days of wage employment per year to any adult willing to do unskilled manual labour in rural India.
  • Legal Obligation: It is the first law in India that imposes a legal duty on the government to provide employment and compensate for non-compliance.
  • Development Goal: The scheme aims to promote livelihood security, inclusive growth, and rural development.

Key Features:

  • Statutory Right: Employment under MGNREGS is a legal entitlement, not just a welfare scheme.
  • Eligibility: Any rural adult aged 18 or above can apply and must be offered work within 15 days.
  • Proximity and Wages: Work must be provided within 5 km of the applicant’s residence with minimum wage, and delays attract compensation.
  • Unemployment Allowance: If work is not provided on time, the state must pay an allowance.
  • Demand-Driven Model: The scheme is worker-initiated, requiring the government to respond to demand.
  • Transparency and Audits: Regular social audits and online updates ensure accountability in job cards, muster rolls, and fund use.
  • Local Implementation: It is decentralised, led by Gram Panchayats, with support from block and state officials, and centrally funded.
  • Women’s Inclusion: At least one-third of beneficiaries must be women, enhancing gender equity.
  • Sustainable Assets: Projects focus on durable rural infrastructure like ponds, roads, canals, and plantations.
[UPSC 2011] Among the following who are eligible to benefit from the “Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act”?

(a) Adult members of only the scheduled caste and scheduled tribe households

(b) Adult members of below poverty line (BPL) households

(c) Adult members of households of all backward communities

(d) Adult members of any household *

 

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Iran’s Nuclear Program & Western Sanctions

What is Uranium Enrichment?

Why in the News?

Iran’s supreme leader recently said Tehran has limited uranium enrichment to 60% U-235 and will not pursue further enrichment to ~90% (weapons grade).

About Uranium Enrichment:

  • What is it: The process of increasing the proportion of U-235 isotope in uranium samples. Natural uranium has only 0.7% U-235, while the rest is mostly U-238.
  • Types of Enrichment:
    • Low-Enriched Uranium (3–5%): Used in civilian nuclear power reactors.
    • Highly Enriched Uranium (HEU, >20%): At 90%+ enrichment, uranium becomes weapons-grade, usable for efficient nuclear weapons.
  • Methods: Physical separation methods such as gas centrifuges, requiring advanced infrastructure and technology.
  • Implications:
    • Low enrichment: Controlled power generation.
    • High enrichment: Proliferation risks, shorter path to nuclear weapons capability.

What is Uranium Enrichment?

Controversy about Iran’s Pursuit:

  • Declared Program: Iran enriches uranium to 60% U-235, claiming peaceful purposes, but insists it will not pursue 90%+ enrichment.
  • Global Concerns:
    • Civilian irrelevance: 60% has no reactor use, only shortens the “breakout time” to weapons-grade.
    • IAEA Monitoring: International Atomic Energy Agency reports show significant 60% stockpiles, heightening suspicion.
  • Geopolitical Context:
    • Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (2015) capped enrichment at 3.67% but collapsed after U.S. withdrawal in 2018.
    • Western governments see 60% enrichment as undermining trust, while Iran argues it is a deterrence and bargaining tool.
  • Strategic Dimension: Keeps Iran on the nuclear threshold, enabling leverage in negotiations and projecting deterrence without overt weaponisation.
[UPSC 2023] Consider the following statements:

Statement-I: India, despite having uranium deposits, depends on coal for most of its electricity production.

Statement-II: Uranium, enriched to the extent of at least 60%, is required for the production of electricity.

Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements?

(a) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is the correct explanation for Statement-I

(b) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II is not the correct explanation for Statement-1

(c) Statement-I is correct but Statement-II is incorrect *

(d) Statement-I is incorrect but Statement-II is correct

 

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Horticulture, Floriculture, Commercial crops, Bamboo Production – MIDH, NFSM-CC, etc.

Coffee Board to hold awareness program on EUDR compliance

Why in the News?

The Coffee Board of India has launched extensive awareness and capacity-building programmes to help coffee growers register on its mobile application for EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR) compliance.

What are EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR)?

  • About: Effective from June 2023; Prevent imported products like coffee, cocoa, palm oil, soy, rubber, cattle, wood (and derivatives) from being linked to deforestation.
  • Requirements:

    • Proof of production on non-deforested land (post-2020).
    • Mandatory due diligence statement with geo-coordinates.
  • Penalties: Non-compliance may attract fines up to 4% of EU turnover, seizure of products, and temporary bans.

About Coffee Board of India:

  • Establishment: In 1942 under the Coffee Act, Section 4; Functions under the Ministry of Commerce & Industry; Headquartered at Bengaluru, Karnataka.
  • Structure: A statutory organisation comprising 33 members, with the Chairperson/CEO appointed by the Government of India.
  • Focus areas: Research, Extension, Development, Market Intelligence, Export Promotion, Domestic Promotion.
  • Early years: Coffee marketing was under the pooling system until 1995, after which liberalisation shifted marketing to the private sector.
  • Initiatives: Runs promotional campaigns like India Coffee, Walk With Coffee, and awareness on EUDR compliance for exports.

Back2Basics: Coffee Cultivation in India:

  • Overview: Coffee introduced in 1600 AD by Baba Budan in Chikmagalur, Karnataka.
  • Geographical Spread: Grown in the Western Ghats (Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu) and in smaller areas of Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, and Northeast India.
  • Production Share: Karnataka ~ 70%, Kerala ~ 20%, Tamil Nadu ~ 7%.
  • Agro-climatic Conditions: Requires 16°–28°C temperature, 150–250 cm rainfall, and well-drained slopes; sensitive to frost, dry spells, and harsh sunlight.
  • Soil: Grows best in laterite soils of Karnataka and rich, well-drained loams.
  • Varieties:

    • Arabica: Mild aromatic flavour, high export value, but more susceptible to pests/diseases.
    • Robusta: Hardy, disease-resistant, stronger taste, higher yields.
    • Liberica:  Rare, niche cultivation.
  • Seasonality: Coffee exports peak during March–June.
  • Domestic Consumption: Rising gradually; Coffee Board promoting events like International Coffee Day (October 1) to increase per capita intake.

Production Statistics (2025-26):

  • India’s coffee production:  It is projected at a record 4.03 lakh tonnes in 2025 up 11% from last year’s 363,000 tonnes.
    • Arabica output forecast: 118,000 tonnes, up 12% year-on-year.
    • Robusta output forecast: 285,000 tonnes, up 9.5%.
  • Karnataka contributes ~70% of output, followed by Kerala and Tamil Nadu.
  • India is the world’s 7th largest producer and 5th largest exporter, contributing 3.5% of global production and 5% of global exports.
  • Exports: Reached $1.8 billion in 2024-25, a 125% growth over 11 years (from $800 million in 2014-15).
    • Around 70% of Indian coffee is exported, mainly to Europe (Italy, Germany, Belgium), the Middle East, Japan, and Korea.

 

[UPSC 2022] With reference to the “Tea Board” in India, consider the following statements :

1. The Tea Board is a statutory body.

2. It is a regulatory body attached to the Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare.

3. The Tea Board’s Head Office is situated in Bengaluru.

4. The Board has overseas offices at Dubai and Moscow.

Which of the statements given above are correct ?

Options: (a) 1 and 3 (b) 2 and 4 (c) 3 and 4 (d) 1 and 4 *

 

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New Species of Plants and Animals Discovered

New species of finless Snake Eel named after Kanniyakumari

Why in the News?

ICAR- National Bureau of Fish Genetic Resources (NBFGR) researchers in Kochi have discovered a new finless snake eel species, Apterichtus kanniyakumari, named after Kanniyakumari district.

New species of finless Snake Eel named after Kanniyakumari

About Finless Snake Eel (Apterichtus kanniyakumari):

  • Location: Discovered off the Colachel coast, Kanniyakumari (Tamil Nadu), at ~100 m depth during deep-sea trawling.
  • Etymology: Named kanniyakumari in honour of the district’s cultural, linguistic, historical, and geographical heritage.
  • Taxonomy: Belongs to the genus Apterichtus, family Ophichthidae, commonly known as finless snake eels.
  • Morphological traits: Golden-yellow body, pale white ventral head with yellow jaw lines, three black blotches (behind eyes, at rictus, behind rictus origin), conical uniserial teeth, 3 preopercular & 9 supratemporal pores.
  • Molecular confirmation: Mitochondrial CO1 gene analysis shows it as a distinct clade, closely related to Apterichtus nanjilnaduensis.
  • Significance: Marks the 16th new species described from the Indian coast by NBFGR; adds to India’s marine biodiversity records.
[UPSC 2016] Recently, our scientists have discovered a new and distinct species of banana plant which attains a height of about 11 meters and has orange coloured fruit pulp. In which part of India has it been discovered?

(a) Andaman Islands *

(b) Anaimalai Forests

(c) Maikala Hills

(d) Tropical rain forests of northeast

 

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