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Foreign Policy Watch: India-Sri Lanka

[11th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: The Way Forward on Katchatheevu, Palk Strait disputes

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2013] In respect of India — Sri Lanka relations, discuss how domestic factors influence foreign policy.

Linkage: The Katchatheevu and Palk Strait disputes show how domestic pressures from Tamil Nadu, fishing community demands, political rhetoric, and cultural ties with Sri Lankan Tamils, directly shape India’s diplomatic posture with Colombo. Balancing these domestic concerns with treaty obligations and ecological imperatives defines the contours of India’s foreign policy. This reflects how internal politics often intersect with external relations in South Asia.

Mentor’s Comment

The Katchatheevu and Palk Straits disputes highlight the fine balance India must strike between diplomacy, livelihood, and ecological sustainability. While political rhetoric often overshadows the nuanced reality, the recent revival of dialogue between India and Sri Lanka offers an opportunity to convert conflict into cooperation. This article unpacks the legal, ecological, and humanitarian dimensions of the issue and offers insights useful for UPSC Mains aspirants.

Introduction

India’s neighbourhood diplomacy has been historically guided by Panchsheel, the Non-Aligned Movement, SAARC, and now the Neighbourhood First Policy. Yet, challenges with Sri Lanka, notably the fisheries dispute in the Palk Straits and the sovereignty of Katchatheevu island, continue to test this vision. Prime Minister Modi’s April 2025 visit to Colombo revived discussions on these long-standing issues, calling for a “humane approach” that reconciles livelihoods and ecological imperatives. The stakes are high: peace in the Palk Straits is not just about maritime boundaries but about human security, sustainability, and regional goodwill.

The Katchatheevu and Palk Strait Issue

Katchatheevu Island Dispute

  • Katchatheevu island: A tiny, uninhabited islet (under 0.5 sq. miles) situated in the Palk Strait, legally ceded to Sri Lanka under the 1974 India-Sri Lanka Maritime Boundary Treaty.
    • Fishing rights vs sovereignty: While sovereignty is settled in Sri Lanka’s favour, Indian fishers, especially from Tamil Nadu, continue to demand access, leading to periodic clashes.
  • Palk Strait: A narrow stretch of sea separating Tamil Nadu from Sri Lanka’s Northern Province, rich in marine resources but ecologically fragile.
    • Conflict drivers: Indian bottom trawlers crossing the maritime boundary deplete fish stocks, harming both Indian artisanal fishers and Sri Lankan Tamil fishers.
    • Core issue: More than territory, it is a livelihood and ecological crisis, complicated by political rhetoric around Katchatheevu’s status.

Livelihood and conservation at odds

  1. Shared history: Fishing communities of Tamil Nadu and Northern Sri Lanka have relied on the Palk Straits for centuries.
  2. Destructive practices: Indian mechanised bottom trawlers enter Sri Lankan waters, violating conservation norms.
  3. Legal framework: UNCLOS and FAO’s 1995 Code of Conduct prohibit destructive fishing; Sri Lanka banned bottom trawling in 2017.
  4. Ecological damage: Coral beds and shrimp habitats are destroyed; fish stocks are depleted.
  5. Internal conflict: Traditional Tamil Nadu artisanal fishers also lose out, creating intra-community livelihood clashes.

Clearing the misconceptions around Katchatheevu

  1. Tiny territory: Katchatheevu is less than half a square mile, barren except for St. Anthony’s church.
  2. Treaty status: The 1974 India-Sri Lanka Maritime Boundary Treaty gave it to Sri Lanka; under international law, such treaties are binding.
  3. Legal precedents: Minquiers and Ecrehos (UK vs France, 1953) and Rann of Kutch (India-Pakistan, 1968) show administrative control outweighs historical claims.
  4. Clarification: Myths such as “Indira Gandhi gifting the island” are misleading; historical records supported Sri Lanka’s claim.
  5. Key point: Fishing rights are separate from sovereignty, and Katchatheevu is not the root of the dispute.

Towards cooperative fisheries management

  1. Historic waters: Indian and Sri Lankan law recognise the Palk Straits as historic waters, giving stronger sovereign rights.
  2. UNCLOS Article 123: Mandates cooperation in semi-enclosed seas.
  3. Models for India-Sri Lanka:
    1. Baltic Sea Fisheries Convention (quota-sharing).
    2. Possible steps: Joint research station on Katchatheevu, regulated quotas, seasonal access, promotion of deep-sea fishing in India’s EEZ.

Building empathy and fraternity

  1. Shared suffering: Sri Lankan Tamil fishers lost decades of livelihood during the civil war due to military restrictions.
  2. Goodwill memory: Tamil refugees were welcomed in Tamil Nadu during the conflict.
  3. Role of Tamil leaders: MPs and media in Sri Lanka can sensitise Tamil Nadu fishers to hardships across the strait.
  4. Narrative shift: Sri Lankan Tamils are not aggressors but fellow victims of history.

India’s neighbourhood policy in action

  1. Diplomatic tradition: Panchsheel, NAM, SAARC, Neighbourhood First Policy.
  2. Way forward: Prioritise livelihood security, ecological sustainability, and treaty respect over populism.
  3. Multi-level engagement: Government-to-government, State/Provincial dialogue, community interaction.
  4. Larger vision: Transform Palk Straits from a zone of conflict to a symbol of cooperation.

Conclusion

The Katchatheevu issue is legally settled and should not distract from the real crisis, sustainable fisheries management in the Palk Straits. Balancing artisanal livelihoods, ecological imperatives, and regional goodwill requires cooperative frameworks and empathy. If pursued with prudence, India and Sri Lanka can convert disputes into opportunities, strengthening the Neighbourhood First Policy and ensuring that smaller conflicts do not overshadow South Asia’s collective future of peace and prosperity.

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Internal Security Architecture Shortcomings – Key Forces, NIA, IB, CCTNS, etc.

To build Roads is to build peace: Developmet in tribal hinterlands affected by Maoist Insurgency

Introduction

Roads in India’s Maoist-affected areas are more than physical infrastructure; they are symbols of the state itself. For communities long governed by neglect or non-state actors, the arrival of a road often marks the first visible sign of governance. Research and field evidence indicate that road development improves access to electricity, healthcare, education, and security while simultaneously displacing the influence of insurgents. Yet, roads alone cannot resolve conflict—they must be embedded in an ecosystem of justice, dignity, and inclusion.

Why is this in the news?

In regions affected by Maoist insurgency, particularly in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and Odisha, roads have emerged as a strategic instrument of peacebuilding. Recent studies (Jain & Biswas, 2023) show a correlation between road connectivity and reduced crime, while international evidence (Prieto-Curiel & Menezes, 2020) highlights how poor connectivity perpetuates violence globally. This marks a shift in governance strategy, from viewing infrastructure as purely developmental to recognizing it as a political and stabilising force.

How do roads reclaim governance from insurgents?

  1. Governance presence: Roads bring schools, clinics, and police stations, representing visible and accountable state authority.
  2. Displacement of parallel systems: Maoists often establish informal courts, taxation systems, and welfare activities in remote areas. Roads weaken these structures by enabling the state to reclaim legitimacy.
  3. Diego Gambetta’s insight: Like the Sicilian Mafia, insurgents thrive where the state withdraws. Infrastructure fills the governance vacuum.

What role do insurgent groups play in governance gaps?

  1. Informal welfare: Research by Alpa Shah (2018) and Human Rights Watch (2009) shows Maoists provide rudimentary health and welfare services in villages.
  2. Strategic legitimacy: As Zachariah Mampilly (2011) argues, such services are not altruistic but intended to gain legitimacy.
  3. Coercion with care: Maoist medical aid or welfare is tied to fear and control, not democratic accountability.

Why are extralegal institutions problematic?

  1. Absence of safeguards: Maoist-run “jan adalats” often issue punishments, even executions, without due process.
  2. Opaque justice: Decisions reflect entrenched hierarchies, patriarchy, and mob reprisals rather than rule of law.
  3. Comparison with khap panchayats: Like insurgent institutions, caste councils also deliver swift but exclusionary justice outside constitutional norms.

How do roads act as political infrastructure?

  1. Symbolic presence: Each road signals that “the state is here to stay,” as seen in Chhattisgarh under B.V.R. Subrahmanyam’s governance strategy.
  2. Crime reduction: Jain and Biswas (2023) show connectivity lowers rural crime rates.
  3. Global parallels: Prieto-Curiel & Menezes (2020) demonstrate that poor connectivity correlates with higher violence across contexts.

What safeguards are essential for success?

  1. Justice mechanisms: Roads must be accompanied by functioning courts and legal institutions to prevent arbitrary authority.
  2. Healthcare and welfare: Clinics, schools, and social infrastructure ensure that development is inclusive.
  3. Community participation: Roads must be built with the village, not just through the village, to ensure legitimacy and trust.

Conclusion

Roads in conflict-prone tribal regions represent more than mobility, they embody the arrival of governance and the possibility of peace. Yet, infrastructure without justice risks becoming a symbol of control rather than inclusion. For lasting impact, roads must be accompanied by democratic institutions, safeguards, and rights-based governance. To build roads, then, is indeed to build peace.

Value Addition

Naxalism: Definition & Origins

  • Definition: Left-Wing Extremism (LWE); armed, rural-based movement rooted in land alienation, poverty, displacement, forest rights, and state neglect.
  • Origins: Began with the 1967 Naxalbari peasant uprising in West Bengal; later consolidated under CPI (Maoist) formations.
  • Areas Most Affected — Historical Peak (late 2000s)
    • Spread: Nearly 180 districts across multiple states — the so-called Red Corridor.
    • Core states: Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh/Telangana, parts of Maharashtra & Madhya Pradesh.
  • Areas Most Affected — Recent (2024–25)
    • Reduced footprint: Down to ~38 districts (2024); further shrinking per 2025 statements.
    • Residual hotspots: Bastar (Chhattisgarh), Gadchiroli (Maharashtra), parts of Jharkhand & Odisha, and Chhattisgarh–Telangana border.
  • Why This Shift Matters 
    • Then: Widespread insurgency → blanket rural development response.
    • Now: Concentrated in forested pockets → targeted counter-insurgency + development (roads, police camps, rehabilitation).

What is Operation Black Forest?

  • What / where / when: Operation Black Forest (also reported as Operation Kagar in some outlets) was a focused anti-Maoist offensive launched along the Chhattisgarh–Telangana border in April–May 2025 targeting PLGA (People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army) units in hilly forest belts such as the Kareguttalu/Karegutta hills. 
  • Claimed outcomes (official account): The government/security forces announced significant results — arrests, large recoveries of IEDs, explosives and weapons and the neutralisation (killed/captured) of several Maoists; the Home Minister hailed the operation as a major success and linked it to the government’s goal of a “Naxal-free India.’’

India’s Current Strategy Against Naxalism

  • Security operations & coordination – Intensified offensives (e.g., Operation Black Forest), joint CRPF/state police actions, inter-state Unified Commands.
  • Connectivity first – Roads → schools → clinics → police camps; infrastructure as the entry point of governance.
  • Surrender & rehabilitation – Incentives for cadres to lay down arms, with livelihood and legal reintegration support.
  • Technology & intelligence – Use of UAVs, better signal interception, geolocation, and joint intel sharing.
  • Development & governance – Focus on PESA, land and forest rights, MGNREGA, social welfare schemes to address grievances.
  • Exam angle: India uses a mix of “hard” (security, tech) and “soft” (development, rights, rehab) measures — success lies in balancing both.

Way Forward (Practical + Scholarly Insights)

  • Consolidate gains, avoid militarised development – Pair operations with public-goods delivery to build trust.
  • Rights-based development – Implement PESA/FRA in spirit; ensure Gram Sabha consent and agency.
  • Build accountable institutions – Mobile courts, health camps, schools, and police with transparency; replace jan adalats with constitutional justice.
  • Credible rehabilitation – Beyond cash payouts, provide skills, jobs, and long-term livelihood security.
  • Address political economy – Regulate mining/plantation projects; enforce benefit-sharing and consent to prevent discontent.
  • Theoretical insightsGambetta: extralegal actors thrive in governance vacuums → fill with state services. Mampilly: insurgent welfare is strategic → counter with accountable service delivery.
  • Human rights monitoring – Independent oversight of security and development efforts to ensure legitimacy.
  • One-liner synthesis for mains: Operational successes show improved reach, but a true “Naxal-free” India requires roads + rights + jobs anchored in constitutional justice and inclusive governance.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2022] Naxalism is a social, economic and development issues manifesting as a violent internal security threat. In this context, discuss the emerging issues and suggest a multilayered strategy to tackle the menace of Naxalism.

Linkage: The article shows how roads act as instruments of governance, reducing isolation and weakening insurgent legitimacy, thereby addressing the socio-economic roots of Naxalism. Yet, it cautions that infrastructure alone cannot resolve conflict unless coupled with justice, healthcare, education, and community participation. This aligns with the PYQ’s call for a multi-layered strategy—combining development, security, and rights-based governance.

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Foreign Policy Watch: India-SCO

A joint and new journey along the SCO pathway

Introduction

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), now the largest regional grouping after 24 years of evolution, witnessed its biggest summit in Tianjin with 23 countries and 10 international organisations participating. The presence of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping signalled a possible recalibration of bilateral ties amid a tense global order. This summit was not only about regional security but also about shaping global governance, fostering sustainable development, and exploring new pathways of cooperation.

Why in the News

The Tianjin SCO Summit is in the news because it marked the largest gathering in SCO’s history and produced high-yielding outcomes, such as the creation of security centres, a development bank, and long-term strategies in energy, green industry, and digital economy. Importantly, India and China engaged in dialogue during the diamond jubilee year of China-India diplomatic ties, projecting partnership rather than rivalry. This reflects a striking shift from the border tensions that have dominated headlines in recent years, positioning the summit as a turning point in regional cooperation and global governance.

High-Yield Outcomes of the Tianjin Summit

  1. Tianjin Declaration: Announced creation of four security centres, including an Anti-drug Center and a Universal Countering Security Challenges Center.
  2. SCO Development Bank: Decision to set up a regional bank to finance cooperative projects.
  3. Fair Stance on Trade: SCO states collectively defended multilateral trading systems and WWII legacy.
  4. 10-Year Strategy: Leaders adopted a development strategy for the next decade.
  5. China’s Initiatives: Xi announced three platforms for energy, green industry, and digital economy; and three centres for innovation, higher education, and vocational training.

How the Summit Shaped Global Governance

  1. Global Governance Initiative: Xi proposed principles such as sovereign equality, international rule of law, and multilateralism.
  2. People-Centered Approach: Emphasis on real actions for peace and justice.
  3. Leadership Platform: SCO positioned as a space to counter the “governance deficit” in world politics.

India’s Role in the SCO

  1. Active Member since 2017: India has advanced SCO’s development agenda.
  2. Support for Presidency: India extended full support to China’s SCO presidency.
  3. Areas of Cooperation: Security, energy, green industry, and digital economy identified as convergence points.

75 Years of India-China Ties

  1. Anniversary Diplomacy: Modi and Xi stressed partnership over rivalry.
  2. Dragon and Elephant Metaphor: Xi urged for “dragon and elephant to dance together.”
  3. Consensus vs Disagreement: Leaders agreed that consensus outweighs differences.

Road Ahead for Bilateral Cooperation

  1. Strategic Mutual Trust: Resume dialogue mechanisms, embrace peaceful coexistence, and mutual respect.
  2. Expanding Exchanges: Focus on trade, investment, technology, culture, and people-to-people bonds.
  3. Good-Neighbourliness: Reinforce Panchsheel principles, keep border differences from overshadowing wider relations.
  4. Global South Leadership: India and China to lead BRICS presidencies, resist hegemony, and promote fairness in world order.

Conclusion

The Tianjin Summit reflects a recalibration of SCO’s role as a platform for regional stability and global governance. For India, it marks a moment of balancing rivalry with cooperation in ties with China. If trust and exchanges are consolidated, India-China relations can shape the future of Asia and the Global South. The challenge lies in ensuring border disputes do not overshadow wider opportunities.

Value Addition

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) 

  • Establishment: Permanent intergovernmental organisation founded on 15 June 2001 in Shanghai by China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan. Predecessor: Shanghai Five (1996).
  • Charter: Adopted in 2002 (St. Petersburg), in force since 2003, laying down goals, principles, and structure.
  • Goals:
    • Strengthen trust, friendship, good-neighbourliness.
    • Promote cooperation in politics, economy, science, culture, education, energy, environment, etc.
    • Maintain peace, security, stability in the region.
    • Promote a fair, democratic international order.
  • Principles (Shanghai Spirit): Mutual trust, benefit, equality, consultation, respect for civilizational diversity, common development; externally—non-alignment, openness, non-targeting others.
  • Structure:
    • Council of Heads of State (CHS) – supreme body (annual).
    • Council of Heads of Government (CHG) – economic strategy, budget (annual).
    • Numerous sectoral mechanisms.
  • Permanent Bodies: Secretariat (Beijing) & Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS, Tashkent).
  • Membership:
    • 10 Members – India, China, Russia, Pakistan, Iran, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan.
    • 2 Observers – Afghanistan, Mongolia.
    • 14 Dialogue Partners – incl. Nepal, Sri Lanka, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt, Qatar, Maldives, etc.

Key Takeaways from SCO Summit 2025

  • 24 Documents Approved – including Tianjin Declaration and SCO Development Strategy till 2035.
  • Security Cooperation – agreement on SCO Anti-Drug Center and Universal Center for Countering Challenges & Threats.
  • Counter-Terrorism – joint declaration condemned Pahalgam (India), Jaffer Express & Khuzdar (Pakistan) terrorist attacks – significant as Pahalgam was earlier omitted.
  • Membership Expansion – Lao PDR granted Dialogue Partner status; CIS given Observer status.
  • Cultural Capital – Cholpon-Ata (Kyrgyzstan) designated SCO Tourist & Cultural Capital (2025–26).
  • Civilisation Dialogue Forum – proposed by PM Modi to strengthen people-to-people ties & civilizational exchange.
  • Global Governance Initiative – proposed by Xi Jinping for multilateralism, just & equitable order, Global South leadership.
  • SCO Chairmanship – passed to Kyrgyz Republic (2025–26) with theme: “25 years of SCO: together for a stable world, development, prosperity.”

What SCO Means for India’s Global and Regional Interests

  1. Strategic Pillars – PM Modi outlined India’s SCO vision as S–Security, C–Connectivity, O–Opportunity.
  2. Central Asia Engagement – SCO provides a rare forum to deepen ties with resource-rich Central Asia and expand India’s role as a pan-Asian player beyond the South Asian paradigm.
  3. Counter-Terrorism – Access to the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) helps India with intelligence-sharing against the “three evils” (terrorism, separatism, extremism), beyond Pakistan-centric frameworks.
  4. India–Russia Cooperation – SCO strengthens Delhi’s strategic proximity with Moscow, which backed India’s full membership in 2016.
  5. Balancing China – India’s presence acts as a countervailing force to Chinese dominance in Eurasia, supported by Russia.
  6. BRI Opposition – India continues to reject the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as it passes through Pakistan-occupied territory, asserting sovereignty concerns.
  7. Diplomatic Battlefield – While enabling multilateral engagement, SCO also reflects great-power rivalries, making it both an opportunity and a challenge for India.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2023] ‘Virus of Conflict is affecting the functioning of the SCO.’ In the light of the above statement, point out the role of India in mitigating the problems.

Linkage: The SCO faces internal strains due to rivalries among major members, including China-Pakistan ties and regional security tensions. India has sought to mitigate these by emphasizing its three-pillared approach of Security, Connectivity, and Opportunity, pushing for counter-terrorism cooperation through RATS, and resisting divisive projects like BRI while promoting dialogue, civilizational exchange, and balanced economic engagement. Thus, India positions itself as a stabilizing force to preserve SCO’s collective agenda despite conflicts.

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Festivals, Dances, Theatre, Literature, Art in News

[pib] Gyan Bharatam Mission

Why in the News?

The Ministry of Culture has launched the ‘Gyan Bharatam’, a landmark national initiative dedicated to preserving, digitising, and disseminating India’s manuscript heritage.

About Gyan Bharatam Mission:

  • Launch: A national initiative by the Ministry of Culture to preserve, digitise, and disseminate India’s manuscript heritage.
  • Scheme Type: Approved as a Central Sector Scheme (2024–31) with an outlay of ₹482.85 crore.
  • Background: Builds on the National Mission for Manuscripts (2003), which documented 44.07 lakh manuscripts in the Kriti Sampada repository.
  • Vision: Integrates tradition with modern technology (AI, cloud systems, digital archives) to safeguard manuscripts as living knowledge resources.
  • Philosophy: Linked to PM’s Viksit Bharat @2047 vision, positioning India as Vishwa Guru by combining heritage with innovation.

Key Features:

  • Identification & Documentation: Establishment of Manuscript Resource Centres (MRCs) for systematic registration across India.
  • Conservation & Restoration: Strengthening Manuscript Conservation Centres (MCCs) for preventive and curative preservation using scientific techniques.
  • Digitisation & Repository: Large-scale digitisation with AI-based Handwritten Text Recognition (HTR), microfilming, and creation of a National Digital Repository accessible worldwide.
  • Youth & Public Engagement: Programs like Gyan-Setu AI Innovation Challenge to involve youth, start-ups, and researchers in heritage innovation.
[UPSC 2008] Recently, the manuscripts of which one of the following have been included in UNESCO’s Memory of the World Register?

Options: (a) Abhidhamma Pitaka (b) Mahabharata (c) Ramayana (d) Rig Veda*

 

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Digital India Initiatives

[pib] Adi Sanskriti Digital Learning Platform

Why in the News?

The Ministry of Tribal Affairs has launched the beta version of “Adi Sanskriti”, a pioneering digital learning platform.

About Adi Sanskriti:

  • What is it: A digital learning platform launched by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs.
  • Objective: To preserve tribal art forms, create livelihoods, and connect tribal communities with the world; scale into a Tribal Digital University with certifications, research opportunities, and transformative learning pathways.
  • Significance: Envisioned as the world’s first Digital University dedicated to tribal culture and traditional knowledge.
  • Developed by: MoTA collaboration with State Tribal Research Institutes (TRIs) to ensure authentic documentation and grassroots participation.
  • Integration with TRIs: Contributions from TRIs of 14 states including Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, and Uttar Pradesh.

Key Components of Adi Sanskriti:

  1. Adi Vishwavidyalaya (Digital Tribal Art Academy): Currently offering 45 immersive courses on tribal dance, painting, crafts, music, and folklore.
  2. Adi Sampada (Socio-Cultural Repository): Houses over 5,000 curated documents covering paintings, dance, clothing and textiles, artefacts, and livelihood practices.
  3. Adi Haat (Online Marketplace): Linked with TRIFED, designed to evolve into a dedicated e-marketplace for tribal artisans, ensuring sustainable livelihoods and direct consumer access.
[UPSC 2016] SWAYAM’, an initiative of the Government of India, aims at:

Options: (a) promoting the Self Help Groups in rural areas

(b) providing financial and technical assistance to young start-up entrepreneurs

(c) promoting the education and health of adolescent girls

(d) providing affordable and quality education to the citizens for free*

 

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Primary and Secondary Education – RTE, Education Policy, SEQI, RMSA, Committee Reports, etc.

Himachal Pradesh declared to be ‘Fully Literate’

Why in the News?

Himachal Pradesh was recently declared a ‘fully literate’ state, becoming the 5th State/UT after Goa, Ladakh, Mizoram, and Tripura.

Various Definitions of Literacy / Full Literacy:

  • Ministry of Education (MoE) Definition: Literacy is the ability to read, write, and compute with comprehension, along with digital literacy and financial literacy as critical life skills.
  • Full Literacy (MoE): A State/Union Territory (UT) is considered fully literate at 95% literacy rate.
  • Census of India (2011): Any person aged 7 years or above who can read and write with understanding in any language is considered literate. Ability to read without writing is NOT counted as literacy.
  • ULLAS Programme: Understanding Lifelong Learning for All in Society launched in 2022. Literacy here means acquiring foundational skills of reading, writing, and arithmetic plus functional knowledge like time, currency, and digital use.
  • NILP: New India Literacy Programme (centrally sponsored, aligned with NEP 2020). Defines full literacy as achieving ≥95% literacy rate certified via assessments.

How is Literacy attained under ULLAS / NILP?

  • Target Group: Adults (15+) who missed formal schooling are identified through door-to-door surveys or other state data.
  • Basic Training: Learners are taught reading, writing, and arithmetic (up to Class 3 level), along with practical skills like using calendars, reading time, handling currency/cheques, and making safe digital transactions.
  • Delivery Mechanism: Training delivered through the ULLAS mobile app or offline by student volunteers and community workers.
  • Assessment: Learners appear for FLNAT (Foundational Literacy and Numeracy Assessment Test), a 150-mark test available in regional languages.
  • Certification: On passing FLNAT, learners are certified by the NIOS (National Institute of Open Schooling) as literate.
  • Outcome: States/UTs are declared ‘fully literate’ when identified non-literates clear FLNAT and the literacy rate crosses the 95% threshold.
[UPSC 2017] What is the aim of the programme ‘Unnat Bharat Abhiyan’ ?

Options:

(a) Achieving 100% literacy by promoting collaboration between voluntary organizations and government’s education system and local communities.

(b) Connecting institutions of higher education with local communities to address development challenges through appropriate technologies. *

(c) Strengthening India’s scientific research institutions to make India a scientific and technological Power.

(d) Developing human capital by allocating special funds for health-care and education of rural and urban poor, and organizing skill development programmes and vocational training for them.

 

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Power of Siberia 2 Pipeline

Why in the News?

Russia has announced a “legally binding” memorandum with China to build the Power of Siberia 2 pipeline, highlighting closer Russia–China ties amid Western sanctions.

Power of Siberia 2 Pipeline

What are Power of Siberia Pipelines?

  • Power of Siberia 1: Operational pipeline from eastern Siberia to northern China; commercial exports since Dec 2019.
  • Specifications: Length over 5,100 km (3,968 km in Russia), diameter 1,420 mm, capacity 61 bcm/year (38 bcm contracted to China). Built to withstand –62°C, using 2.25 million tonnes of steel.
  • Gas Source & Route: Supplies from Chayanda field (Yakutia) and later Kovykta field; passes via Amur Gas Processing Plant; two tunnels cross under the Amur River into China, linking to Heihe–Shanghai pipeline.
  • Timeline: Construction began 2014, completed 2019, full 38 bcm deliveries by 2025.
  • Power of Siberia 2: Planned 2,600 km pipeline exporting 50 bcm/year from Yamal & western Siberia fields to China, via Mongolia (Soyuz Vostok segment).
  • Status: Gazprom–CNPC signed a binding memorandum. Pricing, financing, and timelines remain unsettled; deliveries may start by 2030.

Geopolitical Significance:

  • Political Symbolism: Project showcases Russia–China partnership, snubs Western LNG, and reflects defiance of sanctions.
  • Strategic Showcase: Analysts call it political theatre — Russia grows more dependent on China, while China gains strategic leverage.
[UPSC 2024] Consider the following statements:

Statement-I: Sumed pipeline is a strategic route for Persian Gulf oil and natural gas shipments to Europe.

Statement-II: Sumed pipeline connects the Red Sea with the Mediterranean Sea.

Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements?”

Options: (a) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct and Statement-II explains Statement-I* (b) Both Statement-I and Statement-II are correct, but Statement-II does not explain Statement-I (c) Statement-I is correct, but Statement-II is incorrect (d) Statement-I is incorrect, but Statement-II is correct

 

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Air Pollution

Swachh Vayu Survekshan, 2025

Why in the News?

Indore, already recognized as the cleanest city in India, has topped the list of million-plus population cities in the Swachh Vayu Survekshan 2025.

Swachh Vayu Survekshan, 2025

About Swachh Vayu Survekshan (SVS), 2025:

  • Overview: Annual survey by the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC) under the National Clean Air Programme (NCAP).
  • Objective: Promotes healthy competition among cities and accelerates implementation of air quality measures.
  • Coverage: Includes 130 cities, grouped into 3 categories: million-plus population, 3–10 lakh population, and under 3 lakh population.
  • Parameters: Cities assessed on 8 factors such as road dust mitigation, solid waste management, vehicular emission control, industrial emission control, construction and demolition waste handling, public awareness, and particulate matter (PM10/PM2.5) reduction.
  • Methodology: Uses a multi-tier evaluation focusing on both on-ground actions and measurable outcomes.

Key Findings of SVS, 2025:

  • Top Performer: Indore ranked 1st among million-plus cities, regaining its position after slipping to 6th in 2024. It had also topped in 2023, while Lucknow topped the inaugural edition in 2022.
  • Other Million-Plus Rankings: Jabalpur 2nd, Agra and Surat 3rd, Navi Mumbai 4th, Kanpur 5th, Bhopal 6th, Allahabad 7th, Chandigarh 8th, Ahmedabad–Pune–Nagpur 10th, Varanasi and Raipur 11th, Lucknow 15th, Hyderabad 22nd, Mumbai 25th, Jaipur 26th, Delhi 32nd, Bengaluru 36th, Kolkata 38th, Chennai 41st.
  • 3–10 Lakh Cities: Amravati 1st, Jhansi and Moradabad joint 2nd, Alwar 3rd.
  • Under-3 Lakh Cities: Dewas 1st, Parwanoo 2nd, Angul 3rd.
  • Air Quality Data: Indore recorded PM10 at 83 μg/m³ in 2024–25, slightly higher than 82 μg/m³ in 2017–18. Cities like Chennai (58 μg/m³), Varanasi (59 μg/m³), Bengaluru (68 μg/m³), and Hyderabad (81 μg/m³) showed lower PM10 levels than Indore.
  • Overall Trends: 103 of 130 cities reduced PM10 since 2017–18. 64 cities achieved a 20% reduction, while 25 cities achieved a 40% reduction. Only 22 cities met the national standard of ≤60 μg/m³, with Chennai the only metro (58 μg/m³). Among metros, Mumbai recorded the highest decline (44%), followed by Kolkata (37%), Hyderabad (26%), Bengaluru (26%), Delhi (15%), and Chennai (12%).
[UPSC 2022] In the context of WHO Air Quality Guidelines, consider the following statements:

1. The 24-hour mean of PM 2.5 should not exceed 15 μg/m3 and annual mean of PM 2.5 should not exceed 5 μg/m3.

2. In a year, the highest levels of ozone pollution occur during the periods of inclement weather.

3. PM 10 can penetrate the long barrier and enter the bloodstream.

4. Excessive ozone in the air can trigger asthma.

Which of the statements given above are correct?

Options: (a) 1,3 and 4 (b) 1 and 4 only* (c) 2,3 and 4 (d) 1 and 2 only

 

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