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  • Corruption Challenges – Lokpal, POCA, etc

    Untangling Kerala’s Lokayukta controversy

    Context

    The controversy surrounding the amendment to the Lokayukta Act of Kerala — effected through an ordinance —has raised the political temperature in the State.

    The background of the Lokayukta

    • The term Lokpal was first used in a report of the Administrative Reforms Commission headed by Morarji Desai as far back as in 1966.
    • The first Bill on Lokpal was introduced in the Lok Sabha in 1968 which lapsed with the dissolution of the House.
    • Finally, after 45 years the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Bill was passed by Parliament in 2013.
    • The Lokpal and Lokayukta Act delegates the power to States to establish by law the Lokayukta to deal with complaints relating to corruption against public functionaries.
    • The Lokpal has jurisdiction to inquire into allegations of corruption against the Prime Minister, Ministers, Members of Parliament, Group A, B, C and D officers and officials of the central government.
    • After the conclusion of the investigation, the Lokpal may file a case in the special court in case the findings disclose the commission of offence under the Prevention of Corruption Act by the Prime Minister, Ministers or Members of Parliament.
    • Some States already have established Lokayuktas. For example, Maharashtra in 1971, and Kerala in 1999.

    How Lokpal is different from other investigative bodies

    • The Lokpal is no ordinary investigative body.
    • Connection with judiciary: It is headed by the incumbent Chief Justice of of India or a retired judge.
    • It has eight members, four of whom are judicial members.
    • The Lokpal has an inquiry wing and a prosecution wing to deal with investigation and prosecution, respectively.
    • The director of prosecution files the case in the special court based on the findings of the Lokpal.

    Issue in Kerala

    • In order to get a clearer perspective on the Kerala Lokayukta controversy, it is necessary to understand the scheme of the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act enacted by Parliament.
    • The long title of the Act says: “An Act to provide for the establishment of a body of Lokpal for the Union and Lokayukta for States to inquire into allegations of corruption against certain public functionaries….”
    • Investigative body: Thus, the Lokpal is conceived of as a body which will inquire into allegations of corruption.
    •  Section 14 of the Lokayukta Act in Kerala which has now been amended said that if  the Lokayukta is satisfied on the complaint against the public servant being substantiated that he should not continue to hold the post held by him.
    • In other words, if the public servant is the Chief Minister or a Minister, he shall forthwith resign his office.
    • It may be noted here that such a provision does not exist in any of the State laws or the Lokpal Act of the Centre.
    •  An investigative body does not have the legal authority to direct the public servant to resign his post on the basis of its findings.
    • The Chief Minister or a Minister holds office during the pleasure of the Governor (Article 164).
    • The Constitution of India does not contemplate any external pressure on the Governor to withdraw his pleasure.
    • The Sarkaria Commission had suggested that the Governor can dismiss a Chief Minister only when he loses his majority in the Assembly and refuses to step down.
    • The Supreme Court has accepted this recommendation of the Sarkaria Commission.
    • No agency created by a law made by the Assembly, particularly an investigative body, can declare that its decision be carried out by the Governor.
    • It would amount to a violation of the Constitution.
    • State law includes the office bearers of political parties within its definition of ‘public servant’. 
    • The Lokayukta law was enacted to inquire into cases of corruption of public functionaries such as Ministers, legislators, etc. who are covered by the Prevention of Corruption Act.
    • This Act does not include office-bearers of political parties in its definition clause.
    • Another problematic provision in this law is the one which deals with the reports of Lokayukta (Section 12).
    • It says that the Lokayukta shall, on the allegation of corruption being substantiated, send the findings along with recommendation of action to the competent authority who is required to take action as recommended by the Lokayukta.
    • It further says that if the Lokayukta is satisfied by the action taken by the competent authority, he shall close the case.
    • There is no provision in the central law under which the Lokpal can close the case before it reaches the court.
    • The Lokayukta not being a court does not have the legal capacity to close the corruption case under any circumstances.

    Conclusion

    The Kerala Lokayukta Act should be re-examined by a committee of the Assembly and should be brought on a par with the Lokpal Act. A legislation which seeks to punish corrupt public functionaries should be placed above controversies.

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  • Foreign Policy Watch: India-Russia

    Russia-China Axis

    Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to China this month, as well as the Ukraine crisis, have turned the spotlight on Russia’s relations with China.

    News: China-factor in Ukraine Crisis

    • Many in the west have blamed the Russia-China axis for motivating Moscow’s recent moves and ensuring it will not be completely isolated in the face of western sanctions.
    • At the same time, Beijing has found itself walking a tightrope in its response and has so far stopped short of endorsing Russia’s actions.

    Russia-China Relations: A backgrounder

    • Relations between China and the former Soviet Union were frosty, marked by mistrust and doctrinal differences for most of the Cold War decades.
    • The change came in 1989, when Mikhail Gorbachev became the first Soviet leader to land in Beijing since Nikita Khrushchev in 1958.
    1. Economic dependency: A decade after the Soviet Union broke up, disappointed and humiliated and deep in economic crisis, Russia under Putin’s first presidency turned to China under President Jiang Zemin.
    2. Neighborhood: In 2001, the two countries signed the Treaty of Good-Neighbourliness and Friendly Cooperation, paving the way for expanding economic and trade ties.
    3. Technological support: For the new People’s Republic of China, the Soviet Union was the most important source of financial and technological support.
    4. Respect for sovereignty: Russia’s backing for China’s position on Taiwan is also a benchmark.

    Current state of ties

    • Last year, Russia’s Foreign Minister has described relations as the “best in their entire history”. Both premiers have met 38 times (in person and virtually) since 2013.
    • The biggest factor behind their current closeness is:
    1. Shared discomfort with the US and its allies
    2. NATO and its ideological cold war approaches
    3. Indo-Pacific strategy and QUAD
    4. One-China Principle

    Military closeness

    • China in 2014 became the first foreign buyer of the S-400 missile defence system, which India has also purchased (although there have been reported delays in delivery for reasons unknown).
    • Their joint exercises have also grown in scope.
    • Last year, a third “joint strategic air patrol” was held over the East China Sea.

    Trade and Commerce

    • Russia is China’s largest source of energy imports and second largest source of crude oil.
    • Energy set to account for 35% of trade in 2022.
    • China has been Russia’s biggest trading partner for 12 consecutive years and accounts for close to 20% of Russia’s total foreign trade (Russia, on the other hand, accounts for 2% of China’s trade).
    • But Russia is, for China, a key market for project contracts besides energy supplies.
    • Chinese companies signed construction project deals worth $5 billion last year — for the third straight year.

    Chinese response to the Ukraine Crisis

    • Given these deep trade linkages, China does not want instability (or, for that matter, a spurt in energy prices).
    • China has iterated that the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all countries should be respected and safeguarded.
    • China has preferred resolution to the current crisis through diplomacy and a return to the Minsk Agreement.
    Minsk Agreement: They were a series of international agreements which sought to end the war in the Donbas region of Ukraine.

    Implications for the world

    • China has repeatedly underlined that it is sympathetic to Russia’s concerns on NATO, which mirror its own opposition to America’s allies in the Indo-Pacific.
    • As strategic back-to-back fraternal partners, China is obliged to bolster Russia in time of need.
    • With consistent support from China, the Russian economy has become increasingly resilient following years of sanctions imposed by the US and other Western developed countries.
    • A strong economy will back up Moscow to deflect ruthless economic coercion from the US.

    Implications for India

    • Strategists in the west and in India have often questioned the robustness of the relationship as well as Russia’s possible unease at being the “junior partner” and increasingly beholden to Chinese interests.
    • The Russian President’s invite to Pak PM Imran Khan is the recent unwelcomed moved for India.
    • In this regard, New Delhi expects Sino-Russian closeness to continue, which poses its own challenges.
    • This is not, however, an entirely new situation, as history reminds us, on how the Soviet Union responded to China’s attack on India in 1962.

    Conclusion

    • It is no doubt that India would restrict its foreign policy choices and undermine its own status as a rising power of global standing by taking sides in a conflict that has nothing to do with it.

     

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  • Right To Privacy

    IT Ministry pitches for Data Monetization Policy

    The Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology’s proposal to monetise data collected at the central level has data policy and other experts divided.

    Backgrounder to this policy

    • The idea of monetising citizens’ data for greater public good was first floated by the government in the Economic Survey of 2018-19.
    • It had noted that since such data is generated and belongs to the people, it should be used for the people.
    • The survey had also noted that private sector could be granted access to “select databases” for commercial use.

    India Data Accessibility and Use Policy, 2022

    Key Propositions:

    • Sale of Public Data: The data, which has been collected by the central government and undergone some value addition be allowed to be sold for some price.
    • Identifying value data: The draft of the policy suggests new framework for identifying “high value data-set” on the basis of the data’s degree of importance in the market.
    • Establishment of India Data Office: The draft has also suggested setting up of a central India Data Office will be created under MeitY.
    1. Chief Data Officer: All the central government’s line ministries will have to form their respective Data Management Unit, which will be headed by a Chief Data Officer.
    2. India Data Council: These chief data officers along with the India Data Officer will together form the IDC, which will decide on the policy matters of data accessibility and its usage.
    • Data sharing toolkit: It will be the broad umbrella to help respective central or state government ministries and departments “assess and optimally manage” the risks associated with the release and sharing of such data.

    Significance of the move

    • Non-personal data as national resource: The thought process to consider non personal data as community or national resource, in itself is commendable.
    • Revenue generation: The core problem with the government selling citizens’ data is the revenue generation.
    • Boosting investments: The new policy will encourage data sharing among government departments and potentially help the investor ecosystem.

    Issues flagged with the Policy

    • Individual privacy: Data monetization may happen at cost of individual privacy. The most sought-after datasets are those that contain sensitive personal data of individuals, ex. medical history, financial data.
    • Absence of Data Protection Law: The new draft policy has been announced at a time when the country is yet to finalise the countours of a data protection law.
    • State interference: The policy could also face pushback from big tech companies whose business model is based on the monetisation of large-scale data collection model.
    • Political risks: When the govt starts selling citizen data, even if anonymised, the government gets into business its making money.
    • Un-regulation: Once the govt starts making money, its very hard to reduce that activity or to regulate it in a manner where it is impartial to the public.
    • Anonymisation of data: There is a lack of proper standard and framework on data anonymisation leading to a possible that such data may be “reverse-engineered”.

    Way forward

    • This policy is a good intent in which the government can monetise the wide range of data it currently holds.
    • However it remains to be seen how the pricing mechanism would work.
    • It is important to understand that datasets cannot be priced uniformly, and the value of a particular dataset varies depending on the context in which it is solved.

     

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  • Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act

    Panel on AFSPA removal misses ‘45-day’ deadline

    A committee constituted by the Union Home Ministry to study the withdrawal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, or AFSPA, from Nagaland, slated to submit a report within 45 days is yet to conclude its findings.

    AFSPA: A Backgrounder

    • The AFSPA, 1958 came into force in the context of insurgency in the North-eastern States decades ago.
    • It provides “special power” to the Armed Forces applies to the Army, the Air Force and the Central Paramilitary forces etc.
    • It has been long contested debate whether the “special powers” granted under AFSPA gives total immunity to the armed forces for any action taken by them.

    Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958

    • Armed Forces Special Powers Act, to put it simply, gives armed forces the power to maintain public order in “disturbed areas.”
    • AFSPA gives armed forces the authority use force or even open fire after giving due warning if they feel a person is in contravention of the law.
    • The Act further provides that if “reasonable suspicion exists”, the armed forces can also arrest a person without warrant; enter or search premises without a warrant; and ban the possession of firearms.

    What are the Special Powers?

    The ‘special powers’ which are spelt out under Section 4 provide that:

    (a) Power to use force, including opening fire, even to the extent of causing death if prohibitory orders banning assembly of five or more persons or carrying arms and weapons, etc are in force in the disturbed area;

    (b) Power to destroy structures used as hide-outs, training camps, or as a place from which attacks are or likely to be launched, etc;

    (c) Power to arrest without warrant and to use force for the purpose;

    (d) Power to enter and search premises without a warrant to make arrest or recovery of hostages, arms and ammunition and stolen property etc.

    What are the Disturbed Areas?

    • A disturbed area is one that is declared by notification under Section 3 of the AFSPA.
    • As per Section 3, it can be invoked in places where “the use of armed forces in aid of the civil power is necessary”.

    Who can declare/notify such areas?

    • The Central Government or the Governor of the State or administrator of the Union Territory can declare the whole or part of the State or Union Territory as a disturbed area.
    • A suitable notification would have to be made in the Official Gazette.

    Presently ‘Disturbed Areas’

    • AFSPA is currently in force in Assam, Nagaland, Manipur, 3 districts of Arunachal Pradesh, and areas falling within the jurisdiction of 8 police stations in Arunachal Pradesh bordering Assam.
    • In Jammu and Kashmir, a separate law Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 has been in force.

     Is it a License to Kill?

    While the operation of the Section has been controversial in itself, it has attracted much criticism when actions have resulted in the death of civilians.

    • Power to kill: Section 4 of the Act granted officers the authority to “take any action” even to the extent to cause the death.
    • Protection against prosecution: This power is further bolstered by Section 6 which provides that legal can be instituted against the officer, except with the previous sanction of the Central Government.

    Supreme Court’s Observations over AFSPA

    • These extra-judicial killings became the attention of the Supreme Court in 2016.
    • It clarified that the bar under Section 6 would not grant “total immunity” to the officers against any probe into their alleged excesses.
    • The judgment noted that if any death was unjustified, there is no blanket immunity available to the perpetrator(s) of the offense.
    • The Court further noted that if an offense is committed even by Army personnel, there is no concept of absolute immunity from trial by the criminal court constituted under the CrPC.

    Constitutionality of AFSPA

    • Attempts have been made to examine the constitutionality of the Act on the grounds that it is contravention to the:
    1. Right to Life and Personal Liberty (Article 21) and
    2. Federal structure of the Constitution since law and order is a State subject

    Recommendations to repeal AFSPA

    (1) Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy Commission

    • The 2004 Committee headed by Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy, the content of which has never officially been revealed by the Government, recommended that AFSPA be repealed.
    • Additionally, it recommended that appropriate provisions be inserted in the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967 (UAPA) instead.
    • It also recommended that the UAPA be modified to clearly specify the powers of the armed forces and paramilitary forces and grievance cells should be set up in each district where the armed forces are deployed.

    (2) ARC II

    • The Administrative Reforms Commission in its 5th Report on ‘Public Order’ had also recommended that AFSPA be repealed.
    • It recommended adding a new chapter to be added to the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, 1967.
    • However, the recommendation was considered first and then rejected.

    Controversies with AFSPA

    (1) Sexual Misconduct by Armed Forces

    • The issue of violation of human rights by actions of armed forces came under the consideration of the Committee on Amendments to Criminal Law (popularly known as Justice Verma Committee) set up in 2012.
    • It observed that- in conflict zones, legal protection for women was neglected.

    (2) Autocracy

    • The reality is that there is no evidence of any action being taken against any officer of the armed forces or paramilitary forces for their excesses.

    Caution given by the Supreme Court

    A July 2016 judgment authored by Justice Madan B. Lokur in Extra Judicial Execution Victim Families Association quoted the “Ten Commandments” issued by the Chief of the Army Staff for operations in disturbed areas:

    1. Definite circumstances: The “power to cause death is relatable to maintenance of public order in a disturbed area and is to be exercised under definite circumstances”.
    2. Declaration preconditions: These preconditions include a declaration by a high-level authority that an area is “disturbed”.
    3. Due warning: The officer concerned decides to use deadly force on the opinion that it is “necessary” to maintain public order. But he has to give “due warning” first.
    4. No arbitrary action: The persons against whom the action was taken by the armed forces should have been “acting in contravention of any law or order for the time being in force in the disturbed area”.
    5. Minimal use of force: The armed forces must use only the “minimal force required for effective action against the person/persons acting in contravention of the prohibitory order.”
    6. Empathy with perpetrators: The court said that: the people you are dealing with are your own countrymen. All your conduct must be dictated by this one significant consideration.
    7. People friendliness: The court underscored how the Commandments insist that “operations must be people-friendly, using minimum force and avoiding collateral damage – restrain must be the key”.
    8. Good intelligence: It added that “good intelligence is the key to success”.
    9. Compassion: It exhorted personnel to “be compassionate, help the people and win their hearts and minds. Employ all resources under your command to improve their living conditions”.
    10. Upholding Dharma (Duty): The judgment ended with the final Commandment to “uphold Dharma and take pride in your country and the Army”.

    Conclusion

    • Despite demands by civil society groups and human rights activities, none of the recommendations have not been implemented to date.

     

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  • Corruption Challenges – Lokpal, POCA, etc

    What are Swiss Banks?

    A whistleblower has leaked information on more than $100 billion held in 30,000 accounts of Zurich-headquartered Credit Suisse, one of the world’s most infamous banks which hold black money.

    What is the news?

    • The investigation refocused attention on Swiss banks and their famous, century-old culture of secrecy.
    • This swiss tradition is under pressure as countries around the world try to get their super-rich to pay legitimate taxes on their wealth.

    Swiss Banks: Defined by Secrecy

    • Since at least the beginning of the 18th century, Geneva had become a favoured destination of French royalty and other European elites seeking discreet havens to stash their wealth.
    • In 1713, Swiss government authorities announced laws prohibiting bankers from giving out information about their customers.
    • Thus began a powerful culture of silence and secrecy that went on to become the defining feature of Swiss banking.
    • In 1934, Switzerland passed the Federal Act on Banks and Savings Banks, commonly known as the Banking Law of 1934 or the Swiss Banking Act.

    What’s behind this upmost secrecy?

    • Article 47 made it a crime to reveal details or information of customers to almost anyone — including the government — without their consent and in the absence of a criminal complaint.
    • Violators can get five years in prison; Article 47 lies at the heart of some of the most stringent banking secrecy laws anywhere.

    Why are they favourite destination to park black money?

    • As wealth became easily mobile across international borders, the safety and stability of Swiss banks, located in a peaceful country presented an irresistible attraction for the super-rich.
    • Switzerland itself is a politically neutral country.
    • Swiss bank accounts are attractive to depositors because they combine low levels of risk with very high levels of privacy.
    • The Swiss economy is extremely stable, and the banks are run at very high levels of professionalism.
    • Almost any adult in the world can open an account in a Swiss bank. Opening an account is not difficult, and requires not much more than basic KYC, including a proof of identity such as a passport.

    Question of ‘black money’

    • “Black money” allegedly stashed away by Indians in Swiss banks is a political issue in India, and parties and political functionaries have often made promises to “bring it back”.
    • Swiss authorities have maintained that they cooperate with the Indian government to fight tax evasion and fraud.

    Indian motives and moves

    • The two countries have had a system of automatic exchange of information in tax matters since 2018.
    • Under this, detailed financial information on all Indian residents with accounts in Swiss financial institutions was provided for the first time to Indian authorities in September 2019.

     

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  • Industrial Sector Updates – Industrial Policy, Ease of Doing Business, etc.

    Who are the Angadias?

    An FIR has been registered against some Mumbai Police officials last week for allegedly threatening Angadias and extorting money from them in south Mumbai.

    Who are Angadias?

    • The Angadia system is a century-old parallel banking system in the country where traders send cash generally from one state to another through a person called Angadia that stands for courier.
    • It is by and large used in the jewellery business with Mumbai – Surat being the most popular route as they are two ends of the diamond trade.
    • The cash involved is huge and it is the responsibility of the Angadia to transfer cash from one state to another for which they charge a nominal fee.
    • Generally, it is the Gujarati, Marwari and Malbari community that are involved in the business.

    How does the system work?

    • The Angadia system works completely on trust as large sums, at times in crores, are involved.
    • Generally, traders have the same Angadias for decades together.
    • If a trader from Zaveri Bazaar in south Mumbai wants to pay a diamond trader in Surat, he will send an Angadias who usually delivers the money within 24 hours.
    • They also have fixed trains that leave from Mumbai at night and reach Gujarat by early morning.
    • Usually, to verify authenticity, the trader will, for example, will give a Rs 10 note to the Angadia and provide the number of the note to the recipient.
    • It is only after the recipient confirms the note number that the Angadia will hand over the money to the person.
    • After making the payment, the Angadias return to Mumbai the same day.

    Is the system legal?

    • While the Angadia system per se is legal, there hangs a cloud over the activity as it is suspected that a lot of times it is used to transfer unaccounted money.
    • Since the business deals in cash and there is no account maintained for the same, there have been suspicions that it is also used for transfer of black money like the hawala.

     

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  • Issues with corporate governance in the context of NSE scam

    Context

    Over the past 10 days, the revelations about the functioning of the National Stock Exchange (NSE) during the tenure of Chitra Ramkrishna as Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer (CEO) have raised questions about the governance.

    Managerial misconduct at NSE

    •  There was managerial misconduct at NSE.
    • An effective board of directors: That is why we need checks on management such as an effective board of directors.
    • After the board was informed about the irregularities in Mr. Subramanian’s appointment, it discussed the matter but chose to keep the discussions out of the minutes on grounds of confidentiality and the sensitivity of the matter.
    • Second, despite being aware of Ms. Ramkrishna’s transgressions, it allowed her to resign and on generous terms instead of taking action against her.
    • Third, the Public Interest Directors (PIDs) failed to keep SEBI informed about the goings-on at the NSE.

    Issues with corporate governance

    • In the corporate world, much is forgiven on grounds of performance.
    • When a performing CEO chooses to unduly favour a particular individual or individuals, boards see that as a forgivable infirmity.
    • As for dysfunctional or ineffective boards, these remain the norm despite numerous regulations, seminars and papers over the past four decades.
    • In case of the the NSE, the problem is structural.
    • Selection and absence of penalty: It has to do partly with the way board members are selected and partly with the absence of penalties where directors do not live up to their mandate.
    • Board members are selected by top management (or, in India, by the promoter who is also top management).
    • Board members have every incentive to nod their heads to whatever the management wants to be done.

    Way forward

    • 1] Diversity in the selection of board members: As long as the top management selects all board members or can influence their selection, there is little hope of any active challenge to management.
    • The top management must be allowed to choose not more than 50% of the independent directors.
    • The rest must be chosen by various other stakeholders — financial institutions, banks, small shareholders, employees, etc.
    • 2] Accountability of board members: A second thing that needs to happen is holding board members accountable for lapses.
    • Regulators act against directors where there is financial malfeasance.
    •  This must change. Regulators must penalise errant directors through a whole range of instruments — strictures, financial penalties, removal from boards and a permanent ban from board membership.
    • 3] Accountability of regulator: Regulators themselves must be held to account.
    • In the NSE affair, questions have been asked of SEBI.
    •  For instance, why did SEBI not seek the help of the cyber police to ascertain the identity of the yogi?
    • SEBI needs to explain itself.

    Conclusion

    Convulsions of outrage after particular episodes will not take us very far. We need significant institutional reform if corporate governance is not to remain an illusion.

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  • Foreign Policy Watch- India-Central Asia

    India’s Ukraine dilemma

    Context

    As diplomatic efforts to de-escalate the crisis in Ukraine continue, the time has come for Delhi to devote greater attention to Central Europe, which is at the heart of the contestation between Russia and the West.

    Recognising the role of Central Europe in shaping the geopolitics of Europe

    • Central Europe today has an identity of its own and the political agency to reshape European geopolitics.
    • It is important to remember that Central Europe is no longer just a piece of territory that Russia and the Western powers can divide into “spheres of influence”.
    • A grand bargain between Russia and the West will work only if it is acceptable to Central Europe.

    Need for diplomatic balancing on Ukraine by India

    • As war clouds gather over Ukraine, there is much focus on India’s diplomatic balancing act, its unwillingness to publicly caution Russia against invading Ukraine, and above all its reluctance to defend Ukraine’s sovereignty.
    • This is not the first time that Russia’s approach to Central Europe has put Delhi in a tight corner.
    • The Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956, and Czechoslovakia in 1968, exposed an important tension in Indian diplomacy.
    • In Central Europe, India’s pragmatism in not offending Moscow (an important partner) runs against the utter unacceptability of Putin’s doctrine of “limited sovereignty”, a continuation of the Soviet era policy of saying that the socialist states must subordinate their sovereignty for the sake of the “collective interests of the socialist bloc”.

    Factors shaping India’s stand

    • Tension with China: The prospective Russian invasion of Ukraine comes amidst India’s military tensions with China and Delhi’s continued dependence on Moscow’s military supplies.
    •  It also comes at a time when Delhi is trying to build an international coalition against China’s brazen attacks on the territorial sovereignty of its Asian neighbours.
    • For the moment, Delhi is in a safe corner by calling for diplomacy in resolving the Ukraine crisis.
    • But if Russia does invade Ukraine, the pressure on India to rethink its position will mount.
    • Any such review must eventually lead to an independent appreciation of the geopolitics of Central Europe.

    Five factors that must shape India’s perspective on the geopolitics of Central Europe

    • 1] No taker for sphere of influence: Russia’s claim for a broad sphere of influence in the region has no takers in Central Europe.
    • 2]Need for political accommodation: While Russia has legitimate security interests in Central  Europe, they can only be realised through political accommodation.
    • Moscow cannot enforce a sphere of influence against the will of its prospective members.
    • 3] NATO as better option: few Central Europeans buy into the French vision for “European sovereignty” and “strategic autonomy”. 
    • They bet that NATO, led by the US, is a better option than a Europe that is independent of Washington.
    • They view with even greater distaste the prospects for Russo-German condominium over Central Europe.
    • 4] Resentment against imposition of political value:While they are eager to be part of the Western institutions, Central Europeans resent any attempt by the US and EU to impose political values that run against their traditional cultures.
    • 5] Sub regional institution: Central Europeans are eager to develop sub-regional institutions that can enhance their identity.
    • The Visegrad Four — Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, and Slovakia — is one of them.
    • The so-called “Three Seas Initiative” brings together 12 European states running in a vertical axis from the Baltic Sea in the north to the Adriatic and Black Sea in the south.

    Conclusion

    Delhi can’t forever view this critical region through the prism of Russia’s conflict with the West. It must come to terms with its growing strategic significance.

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  • Climate Change Impact on India and World – International Reports, Key Observations, etc.

    What are CRZ norms?

    The Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) inspected a bungalow owned by a Union Minister for alleged violation of Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) norms.

    What is the news?

    • The Union Minister’s bungalow named has been illicitly constructed within 50 metres of the sea in violation of the CRZ rules.
    • The crackdown assumes significance in the escalating verbal spats between the two political rivals (which were allies for years).

    What are CRZ norms?

    • In India, the CRZ Rules govern human and industrial activity close to the coastline, in order to protect the fragile ecosystems near the sea.
    • They restrict certain kinds of activities — like large constructions, setting up of new industries, storage or disposal of hazardous material, mining, reclamation and bunding — within a certain distance from the coastline.
    • After the passing of the Environment Protection Act in 1986, CRZ Rules were first framed in 1991.
    • After these were found to be restrictive, the Centre notified new Rules in 2011, which also included exemptions for the construction of the Navi Mumbai airport and for projects of the Department of Atomic Energy.
    • While the CRZ Rules are made by the Union environment ministry, implementation is to be ensured by state governments through their Coastal Zone Management Authorities.

    Where do they apply?

    • In all Rules, the regulation zone has been defined as the area up to 500 m from the high-tide line.
    • The restrictions depend on criteria such as the population of the area, the ecological sensitivity, the distance from the shore, and whether the area had been designated as a natural park or wildlife zone.
    • The latest Rules have a no-development zone of 20 m for all islands close to the mainland coast, and for all backwater islands in the mainland.

    New Rules under CRZ regulations

    • The government notified new CRZ Rules with the stated objectives of promoting sustainable development and conserving coastal environments.
    • For the so-called CRZ-III (Rural) areas, two separate categories have been stipulated.
    • In the densely populated rural areas (CRZ-IIIA) with a population density of 2,161 per sq km as per the 2011 Census, the no-development zone is now 50 m from the high-tide level, as against the 200 m stipulated earlier.
    • In the CRZ-IIIB category (rural areas with population density below 2,161 per sq km) continue to have a no-development zone extending up to 200 m from the high-tide line.
    • The new Rules have a no-development zone of 20 m for all islands close to the mainland coast, and for all backwater islands in the mainland.

     

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  • Telecom and Postal Sector – Spectrum Allocation, Call Drops, Predatory Pricing, etc

    All you need to know about Satellite Internet

    The Reliance has launched a joint venture (JV) with European satellite-based broadband service company SES to enter the satellite internet space.

    What is Satellite Internet?

    • The technology beams the internet down from a satellite that’s orbiting the Earth.
    • Jio, Bharti Airtel Ltd’s OneWeb, and billionaire Elon Musk’s Starlink want to send thousands of these satellites to orbit.
    • OneWeb plans to launch 648 satellites, while Musk’s Starlink has permits to launch over 4,000 of them.
    • So far, OneWeb has launched over 400 satellites, while Starlink has launched over 2,000 satellites.
    • It’s worth noting that Starlink plans to launch 42,000 satellites in the coming decade. Jio’s journey has only just begun.

    Which satellites will Indian JV use?

    • The JV will use geostationary (GEO) and medium earth orbit (MEO) satellites, while Starlink and OneWeb use low earth orbit (LEO) satellites.
    • LEO satellites are cheaper to make and deploy, but require a satellite constellation working in sync to offer coverage on earth.
    • On the other hand, GEO and MEO satellites are larger, deployed in higher orbits, and therefore cost more.
    • These satellites cover a larger area and require fewer ground stations, which makes them ideal for targeted coverage area.
    • LEOs move faster and can hence provide global coverage.

    What are the advantages of satellite internet?

    • The reason telecom firms want to explore satellite internet is because there are areas where fibre connections just can’t reach.
    • Satellite networks are used to bring connectivity in such areas, which include hills and remote islands.
    • Consumer applications are new, but satellite networks have been used for ages in military applications.

    Are there any disadvantages?

    • The applications and the power of satellite internet are often exaggerated.
    • In reality, these networks have limitations, the biggest being high latency and low bandwidths.
    • Latency is all about internet speed, while bandwidth determines how many devices can connect on a network at the same time.
    • Experts say current satellite connections will bring 1-2 MB bandwidth, which just about qualifies as broadband under India’s broadband policy.
    • Trouble-shooting can be a problem because it needs specialized knowledge.

    Who can use satellite internet?

    • Militaries across the world have depended on satellite communications for a long time.
    • However, many military experts, too, consider this form to be unreliable and too expensive to be made the sole communication medium.
    • In remote areas, satellite internet can still allow businesses to open up local branches and provide digital services.
    • In theory, a bank could set up more ATMs in remote regions if it has access to satellite internet.

     

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