💥UPSC 2026, 2027, 2028 UAP Mentorship (March Batch) + Access XFactor Notes & Microthemes PDF
Talk to mentor

Civilsdaily

Login

Type: op-ed snap

  • Right To Privacy

    The National Automated Facial Recognition System

    op-ed snap | Governance | Mains Paper 2: Executive & Judiciary,Governance, Transparency & Accountability, Citizens Charters

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Not much

    Mains level: Paper 2- Issues with automated facial recognition system

    Context

    On June 23, 2021, the Joint Committee examining the Personal Data Protection Bill (2019) was granted a fifth extension by Parliament. While the Government has been simultaneously exploring the potential of facial recognition technology.

    Automatic Facial Recognition in India

    • To empower the Indian police with information technology, India approved implementation of the National Automated Facial Recognition System (NAFRS).
    • On its implementation, it will function as a national-level search platform that will use facial recognition technology.
    • It will help to facilitate investigation of crime or for identifying a person of interest regardless of face mask, makeup, plastic surgery, beard or hair extension.

    Issues with AFR technology

    • Intrusive in nature: The technology is absolutely intrusive, for the purposes of ‘verification’ or ‘identification’, the system compares the faceprint generated with a large existing database of faceprints typically available to law enforcement agencies.
    • Accuracy and bias: Though the accuracy of facial recognition has improved over the years due to modern machine-learning algorithms, the risk of error and bias still exists.
    • With the element of error and bias, facial recognition can result in profiling of some overrepresented groups (such as Dalits and minorities) in the criminal justice system.
    • Privacy: As NAFRS will collect, process, and store sensitive private information: facial biometrics for long periods; if not permanently — it will impact the right to privacy.
    • Accordingly, it is crucial to examine whether its implementation is arbitrary and thus unconstitutional, i.e., is it ‘legitimate’, ‘proportionate to its need’ and ‘least restrictive’?
    • The Supreme Court, in the K.S. Puttaswamy judgment provided a three-fold requirement to safeguard against any arbitrary state action.
    • Unfortunately, NAFRS fails each one of these tests.
    • Any encroachment on the right to privacy requires the existence of ‘law’ (to satisfy legality of action); there must exist a ‘need’, in terms of a ‘legitimate state interest’; and, the measure adopted must be ‘proportionate’ and it should be ‘least intrusive.’
    • Lack of law: It does not stem from any statutory enactment (such as the DNA Technology (Use and Application) Regulation Bill 2018 proposed to identify offenders or an executive order of the Central Government.
    • Rather, it was merely approved by the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs in 2009.
    • Fails proportionality test: Even if we assume that there exists a need for NAFRS to tackle modern day crimes, this measure is grossly disproportionate.
    • For NAFRS to achieve the objective of ‘crime prevention’ or ‘identification’ will require the system to track people on a mass scale — avoiding a CCTV in a public place is difficult — resulting in everyone becoming a subject of surveillance: a disproportionate measure.
    • Impact on civil liberties: As anonymity is key to functioning of a liberal democracy, unregulated use of facial recognition technology will dis-incentivise independent journalism or the right to assemble peaceably without arms, or any other form of civic society activism.
    • Due to its adverse impact on civil liberties, some countries have been cautious with the use of facial recognition technology.
    • In the United States, the Facial Recognition and Biometric Technology Moratorium Act of 2020 was introduced in the Senate to prohibit biometric surveillance without statutory authorisation.
    • Similarly, privacy watchdogs in the European Union have called for a ban on facial recognition.

    Way forward

    • Statutory basis: NAFRS should have statutory authorisation, and guidelines for deployment.
    • Data protection law: In the interest of civil liberties it is important to impose a moratorium on the use of facial recognition technology till we enact a strong and meaningful data protection law.

    Consider the question “What are the issues associated with the deployment of NAFRS? Suggest the way forward.”

    Conclusion

    In sum, even if facial recognition technology is needed to tackle modern-day criminality in India, without accountability and oversight, facial recognition technology has strong potential for misuse and abuse.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

    Get an IAS/IPS ranker as your 1: 1 personal mentor for UPSC 2024

    Attend Now

  • Health Sector – UHC, National Health Policy, Family Planning, Health Insurance, etc.

    Why India needs an NHS-like healthcare model

    op-ed snap | Governance | Mains Paper 2: Health & Education

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: India's expenditure on health

    Mains level: Paper 2- India needs NHS like healthcare model

    Context

    Even after the pandemic, the Indian government continues to budget less than 1 per cent of GDP for healthcare, one of the lowest in the world.

    About NHS

    • Every year, Britain’s legendary health network National Health Service (NHS) cures 15 million patients with chronic ailments, at a fraction of the cost spent by the US.
    • The NHS funded by direct taxes is also the fifth largest employer in the world, after McDonalds and Walmart.
    • One of every 20 British workers is employed as a doctor, nurse, catering and technical personnel.

    Public healthcare in India

    • Even after the pandemic, the Indian government continues to budget less than 1 per cent of GDP for healthcare, one of the lowest in the world.
    • In contrast, China invests around 3 per cent, Britain 7 per cent and the United States 17 per cent of GDP.
    • So, 62 per cent of health expenses in India are paid for by patients themselves
    • This is one of the main reasons for families falling into poverty especially during the pandemic.
    • In India, hospitals are beleaguered with absentee staff.
    • As per a Niti Aayog database, in the worst state of Bihar in 2017-18, positions for 60 per cent of midwives, 50 per cent of staff nurses, 34 per cent of medical officers and 60 per cent of specialist doctors were vacant.
    • Those on the job, despite being handsomely paid, are chronically overworked.

    Conclusion

    In the 21st century, not much has improved in India’s public hospitals. Still, in India doctors are often equated with gods. What India needs in NHS like healthcare model.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

    Get an IAS/IPS ranker as your 1: 1 personal mentor for UPSC 2024

    Attend Now

  • Foreign Policy Watch: India-Afghanistan

    India must bet on patience in Afghanistan

    op-ed snap | International Relations | Mains Paper 2: Bilateral, Regional and Global Groupings and agreements involving India,India & Its Neighborhood – Relations

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Cities in Afghanistan

    Mains level: Paper 2- Implications of Taliban control over Afghanistan

    Context

    Notwithstanding the current triumphalism in Pakistan at “overthrowing” the US-backed order in Kabul and “pushing” India out of Afghanistan, India can afford to step back and signal that it can wait.

    Uncertainties about the future

    Two interconnected political negotiations unfolding are likely to determine Afghanistan’s immediate future.

    1) Setting up political order

    • One is focused on building a new political order within Afghanistan.
    • More than a week after President Ghani fled Kabul, there is no government, let alone an inclusive and internationally acceptable one, in sight.
    • Before Pakistan can get the Taliban to share power with other groups, it has to facilitate an acceptable accommodation between different factions of the Taliban.
    • Then there is the problem of including the non-Taliban formations in the new government.

    2) Gaining international recognition

    • The international community has set some broad conditions for the recognition of the Taliban-led government.
    • Besides an inclusive government at home, the world wants to see respect for human rights, especially women’s rights, ending support for international terrorism, and stopping opium production.
    • Pakistan will hope to get some of its traditional friends like China and Turkey or new partners like Russia to break the current international consensus.
    • Pakistan and the Taliban, however, know Chinese and Russian support is welcome but not enough.
    • They need an understanding of the US and its allies to gain political legitimacy as well as sustained international economic assistance.
    • The West, too, needs the Taliban to facilitate the evacuation of its citizens from Kabul and, sooner rather than later, deliver humanitarian assistance.

    How India differs from Pakistan in its approach towards Afghanistan?

    • India has never been in strategic competition with Pakistan in Afghanistan. India’s lack of direct geographic access to Afghanistan has ensured that.
    • Both their strategies have roots in the 19th-century policies of the Raj.
    • Forward policy: The Pakistan Army’s quest for strategic depth in Afghanistan harks back to the “forward policy” school that sought to actively control the territories beyond the Indus.
    • The forward policy seeks political dominance over Afghanistan in the name of a “friendly government” in Kabul.
    • Masterly inactivity: India, in contrast, stayed with a rival school in the Raj that called for “masterly inactivity” — a prudent approach to the badlands beyond the Indus.
    • India’s strategy seeks to strengthen Kabul’s autonomy vis-à-vis Rawalpindi and facilitate Afghanistan’s economic modernisation.
    • The Afghan values that India supports — nationalism, sovereignty, and autonomy — will endure in Kabul, irrespective of the nature of the regime.

    Consider the question “What are the implications of the return of Taliban in Afghanistan for India? What should be India’s approach in dealing with the Taliban controlled Afghanistan?” 

    Conclusion

    Strategic patience coupled with political empathy for Afghan people, and an active engagement will continue to keep India relevant in Kabul’s internal and external evolution.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

    Get an IAS/IPS ranker as your 1: 1 personal mentor for UPSC 2024

    Attend Now

  • Parliament – Sessions, Procedures, Motions, Committees etc

    What Indian lawmaking needs: More scrutiny, less speed

    op-ed snap | Polity | Mains Paper 2: Executive & Judiciary,Parliament & State Legislatures

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Parliamentary Committees

    Mains level: Paper 2- Issues with legislative process

    Context

    The recent Monsoon Session of Parliament is proof that the speed of passing laws trumps their rigorous scrutiny in our legislative process.

    Issues with lawmaking process in India

    1) Avoiding pre-legislative scrutiny

    • In our parliamentary system, a majority of laws originate from the government.
    • Each ministry decides the path its legislative proposals will take from ideation to enactment.
    • For example, last year, the Shipping Ministry requested public feedback on the two bills — Marine Aids and Inland Vessels.
    • This mechanism enables the strengthening of the legal proposal through stakeholder inputs before being brought to Parliament.
    • However, ministries expedite their bills by not putting them through a similar pre-legislative scrutiny process.

    2) Misuse of Ordinance route

    • Over the years, successive governments have exploited the spirit of this constitutional provision.
    • Governments have promulgated an ordinance a few days before a parliamentary session, cut a session short to issue one, and pushed a law that is not urgent through the ordinance route.
    •  But the executive sometimes fails to follow through on the legislative urgency.
    • Bringing in law through the ordinance route also bypasses parliamentary scrutiny.
    • But parliamentary committees rarely scrutinise bills to replace ordinances because this may take time and defeat the issuing of the ordinance.
    • Over the last few years, bills like GST, Consumer Protection, Insolvency and Bankruptcy, Labour Codes, Surrogacy, and DNA Technology have benefited from parliamentary committees’ scrutiny.
    • Their closed-door technical deliberations, inputs from ministry officials, subject-matter experts, and ordinary citizens have strengthened government bills.

    3) Delay in rule framing

    • Unnecessary urgency in getting laws passed by Parliament does not result in their immediate implementation.
    • For the law to work on the ground, the government is supposed to frame rules.
    • Last year the Cabinet Secretary twice requested the personal intervention of secretaries heading the Union ministries to frame regulations for bringing into force the laws made by Parliament.
    • Before the Monsoon Session, he wrote a follow-up letter on similar lines to his colleagues.

    Implication of fast-tracking the law-making

    • Difficulty in achieving desired outcomes: Hurriedly-made and inadequately-scrutinised laws hardly ever achieve their desired outcomes.
    • Wastage of time of legislature: Enacting statutes without proper scrutiny also wastes the legislature’s time when the government approaches Parliament to amend such laws.
    • Loss of opportunity: But the unmeasurable cost of a poorly-made law is in the loss of opportunity to an entire nation that has to comply with it.

    Way forward

    • The government must ensure that it identifies the gaps in our legal system proactively.
    • All its bills should go through pre-legislative scrutiny before being brought to Parliament.
    • The legislature, on its part, should conduct in-depth scrutiny of government bills.
    • Mandatory scrutiny of bills by parliamentary committees should become the rule and not the exception.

    Conclusion

    India is in urgent need of course correction in its legislating process. What we need is a robust law-making process.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

    Get an IAS/IPS ranker as your 1: 1 personal mentor for UPSC 2024

    Attend Now

  • Judicial Appointments Conundrum Post-NJAC Verdict

    Supreme Court Collegium shows the way in judicial appointments

    op-ed snap | Polity | Mains Paper 2: Executive & Judiciary

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Article 142 (1)

    Mains level: Paper 2- Issue of judicial appointments

    Context

    For the first time ever, the Supreme Court Collegium led by the Chief Justice of India (CJI) recommended/selected as many as nine persons at one go to be appointed to the apex court.

    Significance of the move

    • It is a happy augury that the present CJI, Justice N.V. Ramana, could, along with his colleagues in the Collegium, select the judges within a short period of his assumption of office.
    • It is a tough task to build a consensus around one person or a few persons, the CJI being the head of the Collegium, has an unenviable task in building that consensus.
    • Therefore, it can be said without any fear of contradiction that the job of selecting as many as nine judges for appointment to the Supreme Court was done admirably well.
    •  The latest resolution of the Collegium gave effect to the multiple judicial pronouncements of the top court on the subject.
    • The selection of three women judges, with one of them having a chance to head the top court, a judge belonging to the Scheduled Caste and one from a backward community and the nine selected persons belonging to nine different States, all point towards an enlightened and unbiased approach of the members of the Collegium.
    • A needless controversy is sought to be raised by a section of the media about this round of selection citing the non-existing ‘Rule of Seniority’.

    Various norms to be followed in judicial appointment

    1) Consideration of merit

    • Article 142 (1) contains the concept of ‘complete justice’ in any cause or matter which the Supreme Court is enjoined to deliver upon.
    • So, while selecting a judge to adorn the Bench, the fundamental consideration should be his/her ability to do complete justice.
    • In the Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association and Another vs Union of India (1993), the Court spelt out the parameters within which to accomplish the task of selecting candidates for appointment to the higher judiciary.
    • The most crucial consideration is the merit of the candidates.
    • The merit is the ability of the judge to deliver complete justice.

    2) Plurality

    • The nine judges who decided the above case were quite aware of these compelling realities.
    • So, they said, “In the context of the plurastic [pluralistic] society of India where there are several distinct and differing interests of the people with multiplicity of religions, race, caste and community and with the plurality of culture, it is inevitable that all people should be given equal opportunity in all walks of life and brought into the mainstream.”

    3) Transparency

    • India is perhaps the only country where the judges select judges to the higher judiciary.
    • It is, therefore, necessary to make the norms of selection transparent and open.
    •  In 2019, a five judge Bench of the Supreme Court, of which the present CJI was also a member, laid emphasis on this point.
    • The Bench observed: “There can be no denial that there is a vital element of public interest in knowing about the norms which are taken into consideration in selecting candidates for higher judicial office and making judicial appointments”.

    Thus, the essence of the norms to be followed in judicial appointments is a judicious blend of merit, seniority, interests of the marginalised and deprived sections of society, women, religions, regions and communities. 

    Consider the question “What are the various norms to be followed by the Collegium for judicial appointments? What are the issues with Collegium system of judicial appointment?”

    Conclusion

    The Collegium has started doing its job. Now, it is time for the Government to match the pace and take the process of appointments to its logical conclusion at the earliest.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

    Get an IAS/IPS ranker as your 1: 1 personal mentor for UPSC 2024

    Attend Now

  • Judicial Reforms

    It is time to end judicial feudalism in India

    op-ed snap | Polity | Mains Paper 2: Executive & Judiciary

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Article 235

    Mains level: Paper 2- Independence of judiciary

    Context

    The August 11 order of the Himachal Pradesh High Court directed that “hereinafter, all the courts in the state other than the high court shall be referred to as district judiciary”. Furthermore, “these courts shall not be referred to as subordinate court” but as trial courts.

    Issues with the judicial hierarchy Vs. hierarchy of judges

    • The expression “subordinate courts” used by Part VI, Chapter 6, of the Constitution of India cannot signify that judges are subordinate.
    • The term subordinate has implications for the independence of the judiciary, entrenched with and since Kesavananda Bharati (1973) as the essential feature of the basic structure of the Indian Constitution.
    • No judge is “subordinate” to any other, constitutionally judges are limited in the jurisdiction but also supreme within their own jurisdiction.
    • However, Article 235 speaks of “control over subordinate courts”.
    • This Article created the notion of subordination by describing these entities and agents as persons “holding a post inferior to the post of a district judge”.

    Constitutional provision

    • The Constitution no doubt contemplates a hierarchy of jurisdictions, but no judge, acting within her jurisdiction, is “inferior” or “subordinate”.
    • On appeal, or review, a court with ample jurisdiction may overturn and even pass judicial strictures but this does not make the concerned courts “lower” or “inferior” courts.
    • Supervisory powers: High courts always have considerable powers of superintendence on the administrative side but this “supervisory“ power has been recognised by the apex court as a “constitutional power” and subject to the right of appeal as granted by Article 235.
    • While the Constitution allows “supervision”, it does not sanction judicial despotism.
    • Despite this, arbitrary practices in writing confidential reports of district justices seem to continue.

    Way forward

    • Constitutional amendment: A complete recasting of Article 235 is needed, which does away with the omnibus expression of “control” powers in the high courts.
    • The amendment should specifically require the high courts to satisfy the criteria flowing from the principles of natural and constitutional justice and all judicial officers who fulfil due qualification thresholds should be treated with constitutional dignity and respect.
    • Collegiate system at high court’s level: For most matters (save elevation), senior-most district judges and judges of the high courts should constitute a collegiate system to facilitate judicial administration, infrastructure, access, monitoring of disposal rates, minimisation of undue delays in administration of justice, alongside matters concerning transfers, and leave.
    •  If an ACR is to be adversely changed in the face of a consistent award for a decade or more, it should be a collegiate act of the five senior-most justices, including the Chief Justice of the High Court.
    • CJI Ramana has recently agreed in principle, following the request of the Supreme Court Bar Association, that chief justices of the high courts should consider lawyers practising in the Supreme Court for elevation to the high courts.

    Consider the question “Do you agree with the view that the Constitution contemplates a hierarchy of jurisdictions, but no judge, acting within her jurisdiction, is “inferior” or “subordinate”. Give reason in support of your argument.”

    Conclusion

    The changes suggested here needs to be implemented to ensure the independence of the judiciary at all levels.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

    Get an IAS/IPS ranker as your 1: 1 personal mentor for UPSC 2024

    Attend Now

  • Foreign Policy Watch: India-Afghanistan

    The fall of Kabul, the future of regional geopolitics

    op-ed snap | International Relations | Mains Paper 2: Bilateral, Regional and Global Groupings and agreements involving India

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Not much

    Mains level: Paper 2- Afghanistan issue and its implications for India

    Context

    The fall of Kabul in the wake of the American withdrawal from Afghanistan will prove to be a defining moment for the region and the future shape of its geopolitics.

    Implications of the US withdrawal for India

    1) Increase in threat from China

    • The manner in which the United States withdrew from Afghanist created the regional power vacuum in the Eurasian heartland.
    • An axis of regional powers such as China, Pakistan, Iran, Russia, and the Taliban, have already started filling this power vacuum.
    • Advantageous for China: The post-American power vacuum in the region will be primarily advantageous to China and its grand strategic plans for the region.
    • BRI expansion: Beijing will further strengthen its efforts to bring every country in the region, except India, on the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative bandwagon, thereby altering the geopolitical and geoeconomic foundations of the region
    • The much-feared Chinese encirclement of India will become ever more pronounced.
    • Even in trade, given the sorry state of the post-COVID-19 Indian economy, India needs trade with China more than the other way round.
    • Unless India can find ways of ensuring a rapprochement with China, it must expect Beijing to challenge India on occasion, and be prepared for it.

    2) Terror and extremism

    • The U.S. presence in Afghanistan, international pressure on the Taliban, and Financial Action Task Force worries in Pakistan had a relatively moderating effect on the region’s terror ecosystem.
    • There is little appetite for a regional approach to curbing terrorism from a Taliban-led Afghanistan.
    • This enables the Taliban to engage in a selective treatment towards terror outfits present there or they have relations with.
    • It is unlikely that the Taliban will proactively export terror to other countries unless of course for tactical purposes, for instance, Pakistan against India.
    • The real worry, however, is the inspiration that disgruntled elements in the region will draw from the Taliban’s victory against the world’s sole superpower.

    3) Impact on India’s regional interests and outreach to Central Asia

    • The return of the Taliban to Kabul has effectively laid India’s ‘mission Central Asia’ to rest.
    • India’s diplomatic and civilian presence as well as its civilian investments will now be at the mercy of the Taliban, and to some extent Pakistan.
    • Had India cultivated deeper relations with the Taliban, Indian interests would have been more secure in a post-American Afghanistan.

    4) Impact on India’s foreign policy choices

    • Shift to Indo-Pacific: Given the little physical access India has to its north-western landmass, its focus is bound to shift more to the Indo-Pacific even though a maritime grand strategy may not necessarily be an answer to its continental challenges.
    • Improving relations with neighbours: India might also seek to cultivate more friendly relations with its neighbours.
    • India has already indicated that it would not challenge the junta on the coup and its widespread human rights violations.
    • The last thing India needs now is an angry neighbour rushing to China.
    • Stability in relations with Pakistan: The developments in Afghanistan could nudge India to seek stability, if not peace, with Pakistan.
    • Both sides might refrain from indulging in competitive risk-taking unless something dramatic happens which is always a possibility between the two rivals.
    • That said, stability between India and Pakistan depends a great deal on how politics in Kashmir plays out, and whether India is able to pacify the aggrieved sections in the Valley.

    Consider the question “What would be the fallout of the Taliban’s return in Afghanistan for India? What steps India needs to take to mitigate the impact on its interests?”

    Conclusion

    The lesson for India in the wake of these developments is clear: It will have to fight its own battles. So it must make enemies wisely, choose friends carefully, rekindle flickering friendships, and make peace while it can.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

    Get an IAS/IPS ranker as your 1: 1 personal mentor for UPSC 2024

    Attend Now

  • Parliament – Sessions, Procedures, Motions, Committees etc

    How are Rajya Sabha members punished for misconduct in the House?

    op-ed snap | Polity | Mains Paper 2: Parliament & State Legislatures

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Article 20

    Mains level: Paper 2- Provision for punishing the Members of Rajya Sabha for misconduct inside House

    Context

    The Chairman of the Rajya Sabha is reportedly contemplating action against MPs who, he thinks, were involved in the fracas in the House.

    Provisions in House Rules of Rajya Sabha for punishing members

    1) For conduct inside the House

    • Ground for punishment: Rule 256 of the Rajya Sabha’s Rules of Procedure specifies the acts of misconduct: Disregarding the authority of the chair, abusing the rules of the council by persistently and willfully obstructing the business thereof.
    • However, the power to suspend a member is vested in the House, not in the chairman.
    • Under the rule, the maximum period of suspension is for the remainder of the session.
    •  By convention, a suspended member loses his right to get replies to his questions.
    • Thus, suspension from the service of the House is regarded as a serious punishment.
    • But, surprisingly, the rules do not spell out the disabilities of a suspended member.
    • These are imposed on them as per conventions or precedent.
    • Suspension for the remainder of the session makes sense only when they are suspended immediately after the misconduct has been noticed by the chair.
    • The rules of the House do not empower Parliament to inflict any punishment on its members other than suspension for creating disorder in the House.

    2) Misconduct outside the House

    • For the acts of misconduct by the MPs outside the House, which constitute a breach of privilege or contempt of the House, usually the privilege committee investigates the matter and recommends the course of action and the House acts on it.
    • A special committee is appointed usually when the misconduct is so serious that the House may consider expelling the member.
    • Special committee was appointed in 2005 to inquire into the issue of MPs accepting money for raising questions in Parliament.
    • So, special ad-hoc committees are appointed only to investigate serious misconduct by MPs outside the House.

    Issue in the present context

    • It appears that the Rajya Sabha secretariat has prepared a report on the incident in the Rajya Sabhi, which accuses some MPs of assaulting security personnel.
    • But special ad-hoc committees are appointed only to investigate serious misconduct by MPs outside the House.
    • No special committee is required to go into what happens before the eyes of the presiding officer inside the House.
    • As per the rules of the House, they need to be dealt with then and there.
    • The rules do not recognise any punishment other than suspension for a specific period and in this case, the Session is already over.
    • Article 20 of the Constitution prohibits a greater penalty than what the law provided at the time of committing the offence.

    Conclusion

    Punishing the MPs for their misconduct in the House is restricted by the provision in the House rules. These restrictions need to be looked into in the face of growing disruption by the members.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

    Get an IAS/IPS ranker as your 1: 1 personal mentor for UPSC 2024

    Attend Now

  • Foreign Policy Watch: India-Middle East

    The Abraham Accords as India’s West Asia bridge

    op-ed snap | International Relations | Mains Paper 2: Bilateral, Regional and Global Groupings and agreements involving India

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: Not much

    Mains level: Paper 2- Implications of Abrahams Accord for India

    Context

    The recent visit by the Indian Air Force chief, to Israel offers a window to study how India is taking advantage of the Abraham Accords deal signed between Israel and a consortium of Arab States led by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in 2020.

    Increasing defence cooperation between India and West Asia region

    • India’s trajectory towards an increased strategic footprint in West Asia has been in development for some time now.
    • Starting from the relatively low-key staging visit to Saudi Arabia conducted by the IAF in 2015.
    • India hosted visiting Iranian naval warships in 2018.
    • India takes an active part in the defence of the critical waterways in and around the Persian Gulf, the Arabian Sea and the extended Indian Ocean Region (IOR).
    • An Indian contingent of the Indian Air Force (IAF) will visit Israel in October to take part in multilateral military exercises.
    • India also conducted the ‘Zayed Talwar’ naval exercises with the UAE off the coast of Abu Dhabi, further deepening the fast-developing strategic cooperation between the two countries.
    • In December 2020, Indian Army chief visited the UAE and Saudi Arabia, becoming the first chief of the Indian Army to do so.
    • In 2017, India signed a deal with Oman, the home to Duqm Port  for access to the facility, including dry dock use by the Indian Navy.

    How Abraham Accords accelerated India’s engagement with West Asia region?

    • No need for balancing act: The signing of the Accords has removed a significant strategic obstacle for India — delicate balancing act India has had to play out between the Arab Gulf and Israel over the decades.
    • India had welcomed the Accords, highlighting its support for mechanisms that offer peace and stability in the region.
    • From the UAE’s perspective, Accords were to make sure the emirate along with its international centres of trade such as Dubai and Abu Dhabi do not become targets between Jerusalem and Tehran.
    • However, not all Arab States have been on board with the geopolitical shifts the Accords have pushed through.
    • Saudi Arabia has maintained a distance from this arrangement.

    India’s West Asia construct and relations with Iran

    • Iran, as part of India’s ‘West Asia’ construct, will also play a significant part in India’s outreach in the months to come as the crisis in Afghanistan deepens.
    • Connectivity projects such as Chabahar Port and Chabahar-Zahedan rail project (project discussions are still on) amongst others remain critical.
    • Recently,  strategic cooperation revitalised despite multiple obstacles in the bilateral relations, led by U.S. sanctions against Tehran and the general tensions between Israel, the Gulf and Iran via proxy battles in theatres such as Yemen, Syria and beyond.

    Conclusion

    India’s strategic play in West Asia will be reflective of its economic growth, and by association, an increasingly important place in the global order.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

    Get an IAS/IPS ranker as your 1: 1 personal mentor for UPSC 2024

    Attend Now

  • Industrial Sector Updates – Industrial Policy, Ease of Doing Business, etc.

    What India’s informal sector needs right now

    op-ed snap | Economics | Mains Paper 3: Indian Economy

    Note4Students

    From UPSC perspective, the following things are important:

    Prelims level: MGNREGA

    Mains level: Paper 3- Issues of informal sector

    Context

    Informal sector workers suffered far more from the national lockdown in 2020 than their formal sector counterparts.

    Significance of informal sector

    • India’s large informal sector, which employs around 80 per cent of the labour force and produces about 50 per cent of GDP.
    • Of the 384 million employed in the informal sector, half work in agriculture, living mostly in rural India, and the other half are in non-agricultural sectors.
    • Of those, about half live in rural India and the remaining in urban areas.
    • Ignoring problems in the informal sector can be costly as it can lead to job and wage losses, higher inflation and even risk the livelihood of migrant workers.

    Impact of pandemic on informal sector workers

    • Informal sector workers suffered far more from the national lockdown in 2020 than their formal sector counterparts.
    • Such disruptions can be inflationary too.
    • India was one of the few countries with high inflation throughout pandemic-stricken 2020.
    • The 40 per cent in the informal non-agricultural sector is the most affected by the pandemic.
    • These workers are most vulnerable as they have borne the brunt of the economic disruption that the pandemic has unleashed.

    Impact on the informal sector

    • Nominal GDP growth has been a good indicator of the formal sector corporate sales.
    • But during the pandemic and also during events like demonetisation, formal corporate sales have exceeded nominal GDP growth.
    • This means that some demand, which was previously supplied by the informal sector, began to be supplied by the formal sector.
    • Several surveys over this time also show a rise in urban unemployment and self-employment, with the latter category seeing the highest earnings loss.

    Way forward

    • Formalisation on the back of policy changes: While traditionally associated with efficiency gains, if it comes at the cost of putting small informal firms out of business.
    • Formalisation that comes only on the back of external pressure or leads to deep distress in the informal sector, may not be sustainable.
    • By contrast, formalisation that happens on the back of policy changes that help small and informal firms grow over time into medium or larger formal sector firms is more sustainable.
    • Social welfare scheme: We need protection for informal sector workers via social welfare schemes so that the disruption they are facing does not lead to a permanent fall in demand.
    • There is a case for remaining generous with programmes such as the rural MGNREGA scheme for longer.
    • India doesn’t have an MGNREGA equivalent urban social welfare scheme.
    • Reforms: Steps to promote reforms that are needed to help small businesses grow are critical.
    • For example, lowering the regulatory burden associated with growing firms.

    Conclusion

    Bringing the informal sector to the forefront of policy decisions can lead to a significant payoff for the entire economy for years to come.

    UPSC 2022 countdown has begun! Get your personal guidance plan now! (Click here)

    Get an IAS/IPS ranker as your 1: 1 personal mentor for UPSC 2024

    Attend Now