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  • Labour, Jobs and Employment – Harmonization of labour laws, gender gap, unemployment, etc.

    Human Migration: Reasons & Impact

    Context

    Repeated surveys have found that the incomes of migrant households continue to be lower than pre-pandemic levels, even after returning to cities.

    Lack of policy for migrants

    • In the wake of a nationwide lockdown, India was left shocked by the plight of migrant workers walking hundreds of kilometres.
    • They became the focus of large-scale relief efforts by governments and civil society alike.
    • The Government ramped up the One Nation One Ration Card (ONORC) project, announced the Affordable Rental Housing Complexes (ARHC) scheme, set up the e-Shram portal and began to draft a migration policy.
    •  Despite this, a cohesive migration policy guidance remains elusive.
    • Contribution of migrant workers: Today, a third of the nation’s workforce is mobile.
    • Migrants fuel critical sectors such as manufacturing, construction, hospitality, logistics and commercial agriculture.
    • Despite clear economic and humanitarian reasoning to bring migrants back into the policy discourse, the current policy scenario is at best fragmented and at worst waning.

    Structural constraints

    1] Politicisation of issue and fragmented policy response

    •  Migration is a highly politicised phenomenon in India.
    • ‘Destination States’ experience a tension between economic needs, which require migrant labour, and political needs, which promote nativist policies that impose domicile restrictions on employment and social security.
    • On the flip side, the ‘sending States’ are highly motivated to serve their “own people” because they vote in their source villages.
    • This fragmented policy response to internal migration follows from State-specific calculations.
    • Development policy in India has bet big on rural development as an antidote to migration.
    • This widespread ‘sedentary bias’ continues to influence policy even though migration is an important pathway for impoverished marginalised rural households to find economic security (and social emancipation).

    2] Categorisation challenge

    • Migrants are a perennially fuzzy category in policy discourse, located inside two larger categories: the unorganised worker and the urban poor.
    • Even the e-Shram portal, which has made impressive progress in registering unorganised workers, has been unable to accurately distinguish and target migrants.
    • Policy interventions in major urban destinations continue to conflate the urban poor with low-income migrants.
    • Hence, slum development continues as the primary medium for alleviating migrant concerns, while in reality, most migrants live on worksites that are entirely out of the policy gaze.

    3] Gaps in the data

    • Migration policy discourse is seemingly paralysed by the now well-acknowledged failure of official datasets to capture the actual scale and the frequency of internal migration in India.
    •  Data systems designed to periodically record only one spatial location have posed great challenges to welfare delivery for up to 500 million people who are part of multi-locational migrant households.
    • The novel coronavirus pandemic has placed a sharp focus on problems such as educating and vaccinating those children who accompany their migrant parents, or ensuring that migrant women avail maternity benefits at multiple locations.

    Way forward: Strategic policy guidance by Centre and a platform for inter-State coordination

    • Policy in India often emerges from the ground up, taking decades to cement into national law and standard practice.
    • We have seen this in education and food security.
    • State’s initiatives: In migration too, many States have initiated data projects that can track migrants and generate dynamic real-time data that aid welfare delivery.
    • Maharashtra’s Migration Tracking System (MTS), Chhattisgarh’s State Migrant Workers Policy is premised on registering migrant workers at source and tracking them through phone-based outreach systems.
    • Multisectoral approach: There is further need for multisectoral approaches underpinned by a strategic convergence across government departments and initiatives.
    • Odisha’s Planning and Convergence Department, which offers an institutional mechanism for inter-departmental coordination, is one possible model.
    • Important role of the Centre:  State-level political economy constraints make the Centre’s role particularly crucial in addressing issues of inter-State migrant workers at ‘destination States’.
    • The NITI Aayog’s Draft Policy on Migrant Workers is a positive step forward.

    Conclusion

    Strategic initiatives to provide migrants safety nets regardless of location as well as bolster their ability to migrate safely and affordably must keep up the momentum toward migrant-supportive policy.

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  • Important Judgements In News

    No need for laws to enforce duties on citizens: AG

    Attorney-General K.K. Venugopal said that there was no need to enact specific laws to “enforce” fundamental duties on citizens.

    What is the case?

    • The Supreme Court is entertaining a public interest litigation (PIL) petition to enforce the fundamental duties of citizens, including patriotism and unity of nation, through “comprehensive, well-defined laws”.

    Precursor to AG’s remark

    • The Supreme Court has directed in the Ranganath Mishra judgment of 2003 regarding the implementation of the Justice J.S. Verma Committee’s report on the “operationalization of fundamental duties”.
    • The committee’s work was a part of a report of the National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution.
    • The report had urged the government to sensitise people to, and create general awareness of, their duties and the protection of minorities and freedom of religion.

    What are Fundamental Duties?

    • The fundamental duties of citizens were added to the constitution by the 42nd Amendment in 1976, upon the recommendations of the Swaran Singh Committee.
    • It basically imply the moral obligations of all citizens of a country and today, there are 11 fundamental duties in India, which are written in Part IV-A of the Constitution, to promote patriotism and strengthen the unity of India.
    • The FDs obligate all citizens to respect the national symbols of India, including the constitution, to cherish its heritage, preserve its composite culture and assist in its defence.
    • They also obligate all Indians to promote the spirit of common brotherhood, protect the environment and public property, develop scientific temper, abjure violence, and strive towards excellence in all spheres of life.

    Judicial interpretation of FDs

    • The Supreme Court has held that FDs are not enforceable in any Court of Law.
    • It ruled that these fundamental duties can also help the court to decide the constitutionality of a law passed by the legislature.
    • There is a reference to such duties in international instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and Article 51A brings the Indian constitution into conformity with these treaties.

    Total FDs

    • Originally ten in number, the fundamental duties were increased to eleven by the 86th Amendment in 2002.

    The 10 fundamental duties are as follows:

    1. To oblige with the Indian Constitution and respect the National Anthem and Flag
    2. To cherish and follow the noble ideas that inspired the national struggle for freedom
    3. To protect the integrity, sovereignty, and unity of India
    4. To defend the country and perform national services if and when the country requires
    5. To promote the spirit of harmony and brotherhood amongst all the people of India and renounce any practices that are derogatory to women
    6. To cherish and preserve the rich national heritage of our composite culture
    7. To protect and improve the natural environment including lakes, wildlife, rivers, forests, etc.
    8. To develop scientific temper, humanism, and spirit of inquiry
    9. To safeguard all public property
    10. To strive towards excellence in all genres of individual and collective activities

    The 11th fundamental duty which was added to this list is:

    1. To provide opportunities for education to children between 6-14 years of age, and duty as parents to ensure that such opportunities are being awarded to their child. (86th Amendment, 2002)

    Try this PYQ from CSP 2017:

    Q. Which of the following is/are among the Fundamental Duties of citizens laid down in the Indian Constitution?

    1. To preserve the rich heritage of our composite culture
    2. To protect the weaker sections from social injustice
    3. To develop the scientific temper and spirit of inquiry
    4. To strive towards excellence in all spheres of individual and collective activity.

    Select the correct answer using the codes given below:

    (a) 1 and 2 only

    (b) Only 2

    (c) 1, 3 and 4 only

    (d) 1, 2, 3 and 4

     

    Post your answers here.

     

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  • Special Category Status and States

    13 new districts created in Andhra Pradesh

    Andhra Pradesh has got a new map with the creation of 13 new districts, taking the number of total districts in the state to 26.

    What are Districts?

    • India’s districts are local administrative units inherited from the British Raj.
    • They generally form the tier of local government immediately below that of India’s subnational states and territories.
    • A district is headed by a Deputy Commissioner/ Collector, who is responsible for the overall administration and the maintenance of law and order.
    • The district collector may belong to IAS (Indian Administrative Service).
    • Districts are most frequently further sub-divided into smaller administrative units, called either tehsils or talukas or mandals, depending on the region.

    How are new districts carved?

    • The power to create new districts or alter or abolish existing districts rests with the State governments.
    • This can either be done through an executive order or by passing a law in the State Assembly.
    • Many States prefer the executive route by simply issuing a notification in the official gazette.

    How does it help?

    • States argue that smaller districts lead to better administration and governance.
    • For example, in 2016, the Assam government issued a notification to upgrade the Majuli sub-division to Majuli district for “administrative expediency”.

    Does the Central government have a role to play here?

    • The Centre has no role to play in the alteration of districts or creation of new ones. States are free to decide.
    • The Home Ministry comes into the picture when a State wants to change the name of a district or a railway station.
    • The State government’s request is sent to other departments and agencies such as the Ministry of Earth Sciences, Intelligence Bureau, Department of Posts, Geographical Survey of India Sciences and the Railway Ministry seeking clearance.
    • A no-objection certificate may be issued after examining their replies.

     

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  • J&K – The issues around the state

    Delimitation of Constituencies in Jammu and Kashmir

    Members of the Jammu & Kashmir Delimitation Commission faced protests in Jammu as they embarked on a two-day visit to hold consultations with citizens, civil society groups and political parties.

    What is Delimitation and why is it needed?

    • Delimitation is the act of redrawing boundaries of an Assembly or Lok Sabha seat to represent changes in population over time.
    • This exercise is carried out by a Delimitation Commission, whose orders have the force of law and cannot be questioned before any court.
    • The objective is to redraw boundaries (based on the data of the last Census) in a way so that the population of all seats, as far as practicable, be the same throughout the State.
    • Aside from changing the limits of a constituency, the process may result in a change in the number of seats in a state.

    Delimitation in J&K

    • Assembly seats in J&K were delimited in 1963, 1973 and 1995.
    • Prior to August 5, 2019, carving out of J&K’s Assembly seats was carried out under the J&K Constitution and Jammu and Kashmir Representation of the People Act, 1957.
    • Until then, the delimitation of Lok Sabha seats in J&K was governed by the Constitution of India.
    • However, the delimitation of the state’s Assembly was governed by the J&K Constitution and J&K Representation of the People Act, 1957.
    • There was no census in the state in 1991 and hence no Delimitation Commission was set up by the state until 2001 census.

    Why is it in the news again?

    • After the abrogation of J&K’s special status in 2019, the delimitation of Lok Sabha and Assembly seats in the newly-created UT would be as per the provisions of the Indian Constitution.
    • On March 6, 2020, the government set up the Delimitation Commission, headed by retired Supreme Court judge Ranjana Prakash Desai, which was tasked with winding up delimitation in J&K in a year.
    • As per the J&K Reorganization Bill, the number of Assembly seats in J&K would increase from 107 to 114, which is expected to benefit the Jammu region.

    Factors considered during Delimitation

    • The number of districts had increased from 12 to 20 and tehsils from 52 to 207 since the last delimitation.
    • The population density ranged from 29 persons a square km in Kishtwar to 3,436 persons a square km in Srinagar.
    • The remoteness of the place, inaccessibility etc are also considered during the exercise.

    Concerns raised over Delimitation

    • Jammu vs. Kashmir: Concerns had been expressed over how the delimitation process may end up favoring the Jammu region over Kashmir in terms of the seats.
    • Under-representation of Ladakh: Arguments have been made on how Ladakh has been underrepresented, with demands for statehood/sixth schedule.
    • Non-proportionate reservations: It is argued that seats for STs should’ve been divided in both Jammu province & Kashmir province, as the ST population is almost equal.
  • Forest Conservation Efforts – NFP, Western Ghats, etc.

    Conservation of Sacred Grooves

    India’s sacred groves are being gradually altered due to ever-expanding human populations, pollution and removal of biomass; effective conservation is the need of the hour to maintain their functional values

    What are Sacred Grooves?

    • Sacred groves of India are forest fragments of varying sizes, which are communally protected, and which usually have a significant religious connotation for the protecting community.
    • It usually consists of a dense cover of vegetation including climbers, herbs, shrubs and trees, with the presence of a village deity and is mostly situated near a perennial water source.
    • Sacred groves are considered to be symbols of the primitive practice of nature worship and support nature conservation to a great extent.
    • The introduction of the protected area category community reserves under the Wild Life (Protection) Amendment Act, 2002 has introduced legislation for providing government protection to community-held lands, which could include sacred groves.

    Historical references

    • Indian sacred groves are often associated with temples, monasteries, shrines, pilgrimage sites, or with burial grounds.
    • Historically, sacred groves find their mentions in Hindu, Jain and Buddhist texts, from sacred tree groves in Hinduism to sacred deer parks in Buddhism for example.
    • Sacred groves may be loosely used to refer to natural habitat protected on religious grounds.
    • Other historical references to sacred groves can be obtained in Vrukshayurveda an ancient treatise, ancient classics such as Kalidasa’s Vikramuurvashiiya.
    • There has been a growing interest in creating green patches such as Nakshatravana

    Regulation of activities in Sacred Grooves

    • Hunting and logging are usually strictly prohibited within these patches.
    • Other forms of forest usage like honey collection and deadwood collection are sometimes allowed on a sustainable basis.
    • NGOs work with local villagers to protect such groves.
    • Traditionally, and in some cases even today, members of the community take turns to protect the grove.

    Threats to such grooves

    • Threats to the groves include urbanization, and over-exploitation of resources.
    • While many of the groves are looked upon as abode of Hindu deities, in the recent past a number of them have been partially cleared for construction of shrines and temples.

    Total grooves in India

    • Around 14,000 sacred groves have been reported from all over India, which act as reservoirs of rare fauna, and more often rare flora, amid rural and even urban settings.
    • Experts believe that the total number of sacred groves could be as high as 100,000.
    • They are called by different names in different states:
    1. Sarna in Bihar
    2. Dev Van in Himachal Pradesh
    3. Devarakadu in Karnataka
    4. Kavu in Kerala
    5. Dev in Madhya Pradesh
    6. Devarahati or Devarai in Maharashtra
    7. Lai Umang in Maharashtra
    8. Law Kyntang or Asong Khosi in Meghalaya
    9. Oran in Rajasthan
    10. Kovil Kadu or Sarpa Kavu in Tamil Nadu

    What lies ahead?

    • The groves have great research value in in situ conservation of rare, endangered and threatened plant species.
    • It is high time that public awareness is created about the importance of these sacred groves, developmental activities are banned and the felling of trees or removal of any other vegetation is completely stopped.
    • This is possible only by way of enacting a special law for the protection and management of sacred groves.
    • As the management practices and other rituals vary from state to state, the concerned state governments may promulgate such an act as suitable for the state.
    • The idea should be to protect certain rare, endangered and threatened plant species in the era of global warming and climate change.

     

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  • Important Judgements In News

    Marital rape

    Context

    Justice M. Nagaprasanna of the Karnataka High Court on March 23, 2022, in the case of Hrishikesh Sahoo vs State of Karnataka, pronounced the end of the marital rape exception.

    Background of the case

    • This judgment was a result of a unique case where a woman had filed a criminal complaint of rape against her husband due to the repeated acts of sexual assault she had to face.
    • Marital rape exception to Section 375: The police registered her complaint under Section 376 notwithstanding the marital rape exception, a charge sheet was filed and the Sessions Judge took cognisance and framed charges under Section 376.
    • This led to the husband approaching the High Court seeking to quash the criminal proceedings.
    • In a nuanced and far-reaching judgment, Justice Nagaprasanna refused to quash the charge of rape against the husband.

    Violation of rights of woman

    • Violation of the right to equality: Justice Nagaprasanna held that if a man, being a husband is exempted for his acts of sexual assault, it would destroy women’s right to equality, which is the very soul of the Constitution.
    • Discrimination: He held that the Constitution recognises and grants equal status to women, but the exception to marital rape in the IPC amounts to discrimination because a wife is treated as subordinate to the husband.
    • The Constitution considers marriage as an association of equals and does not in any sense depict women to be subordinate to men and guarantees women the fundamental rights under Articles 14, 15, 19 and 21 the right to live with dignity, personal liberty, bodily integrity, sexual autonomy, right to reproductive choices, right to privacy, right to freedom of speech and expression.
    • n Independent Thought vs Union of India (2017), the Supreme Court of India diluted it and removed the exception to marital rape to a wife not below 15 years and made it 18 years.

    Historical roots of the principle of exception

    • The exception to marital rape in common law was due to the dictum by Chief Justice Matthew Hale of Britain in 1736 where he argued that by marriage, a woman gave up her body to the husband and was accepted as an enduring principle of common law, due to which a husband could not be guilty of raping his wife.
    • This was therefore translated into criminal codes, including the Indian Penal Code which India adopted.
    • This principle has now been completely abolished.
    • In the United Kingdom, in 1991, the exception to marital rape was done away with in the case of R. vs R. The House of Lords held that where the common law rule no longer represents what is the true position of a wife in present-day society.
    • The court held that a husband’s immunity as expounded by Chief Justice Matthew Hale no longer exists.

    Conclusion

    The Karnataka High Court, by holding that the exception to marital rape in Section 375 is regressive and in violation of the constitutional guarantee of equality, has now truly pronounced the death knell of the marital rape exception.

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  • Renewable Energy – Wind, Tidal, Geothermal, etc.

    Tariff problem of renewable energy

    Context

    We need to shift to a two-part tariff for solar and wind to incentivise private investments.

    Background of power generation tariff in India

    • The two-part tariff has been in vogue since 1992.
    • It applies to thermal and hydro generation.
    • 1] Fixed component: The first part is a fixed component – the cost that a generator incurs.
    • This is not linked to the amount of power generated.
    • 2] Variable component: The second part varies with the quantum of generation.
    • It does not apply to renewable generation — solar, wind, and also nuclear.
    • Under the two-part formula, the variable cost is calculated on the basis prescribed by the regulatory commissions.
    • This is based on the cost of fuel — coal or gas or lignite — as the case may be.
    • The fixed cost is also determined by regulatory commissions and it has a graded payment system depending on the extent to which the plant would be in a position to generate.
    • The point here is that when a generator is in a position to generate, it gets to recover the fixed cost (or some part of it), irrespective of whether it actually generates power.

    Single-part tariff for nuclear, wind and solar

    • In contrast, solar and wind generation and also nuclear are still governed by a single-part tariff.
    • The single-part tariff applies to nuclear power stations for various reasons including the fact that given the technology, a nuclear generator does not usually increase/decrease the generation at a quick tempo, but maintains a steady stream.
    • In any case, nuclear power accounts for only about two per cent of the entire generation, so let’s leave it aside.
    • On the other hand, solar and wind generation account for about 10 per cent of the generation today and going by the statement delivered during COP26 in Glasgow, we want to ramp it up to 50 per cent by 2030.

    Issues with single-part tariff for wind

    • Must run status: The renewable sector has been given a “must run” status.
    • This means that any generation from renewables needs to be dispatched first.
    • The problem is that “must run” runs counter to the basic economic theory that in order to minimise total cost, dispatch should commence from the source offering the cheapest variable cost and then move upwards.
    • With a single-part tariff, whenever the renewable generator is asked to back down for maintaining grid balance, it is paid nothing.
    • With a single part tariff for renewable generation, the entire cost is variable and at Rs 2.5 per unit for solar generation, it is not the cheapest source.
    • There are several NTPC coal-fired pit head plants whose variable costs are far lower, for example, Simhadri (Rs 1.36), Korba (Rs 1.36), Sipat (Rs 1.43).
    • For the older solar plants, the tariff could be well above Rs 3 per unit and for wind-based generation, it is even higher, averaging around Rs 4.5 per unit.
    • Therefore, the SLDCs often flout the principle of “must run”, since the distribution companies would save money by asking the renewable generator to back down while keeping the tap on for a coal-based generation.

    Solution

    • Two-part tariff for solar: The solution to this problem is to apply a two-part tariff for solar and wind generators as we do for hydro plants today.
    • Lowest variable cost: The overriding principle is that the percentage allocated as variable cost should ensure that renewable generation has the lowest variable cost so that there is no violation of the “must-run” principle.
    • At the same time, the fixed cost component should not be kept so high that it hurts the consumers. 
    • A fine balance between the proportion of the fixed and variable costs will have to be maintained.
    • It would also ensure a certain minimum return to developers even if they are not generating during certain hours, as in the case of coal and hydro plants.
    • Proper environment: If we are serious about having a renewable generating capacity of 450-500 GW by 2030, we need to create a proper environment and ensure adequate returns to invite fresh investments into renewable generation.

    Conclusion

    The switch from a single to a two-part tariff structure for renewables has to be made right now as we are at the cusp of ramping up our renewable generation and it takes time for matters to get streamlined as we have seen in the past.

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  • Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act

    It’s time to repeal AFSPA

    Context

    The Centre on Thursday significantly reduced the footprint of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), 1958 in the Northeast, withdrawing it entirely from 23 districts in Assam; and partially from seven districts in Nagaland, six districts in Manipur, and one district in Assam.

    Background of AFSPA

    • AFSPA was adopted in 1958 during the early days of the Naga uprising to apply to what was then the state of Assam and the union territory of Manipur.
    • The counterinsurgency campaigns against the Nagas were counterproductive.
    • In the following decades, as new states were formed in Northeast India, AFSPA was amended to accommodate the names of those states.

    Provision under AFSPA, 1958

    • AFSPA allows civilian authorities to call on the armed forces to come to the assistance of civil powers.
    • Sweeping powers to armed forces: Once a state — or a part of a state — is declared “disturbed” under this law, the armed forces can make preventive arrests, search premises without warrants, and even shoot and kill civilians.
    • Approval of central government for legal action: Legal action against those abusing these powers requires the prior approval of the central government — a feature that functions as de facto immunity from prosecution.

    Issues with AFSPA

    • Critics charge that it effectively suspends fundamental freedoms and creates a de facto emergency regime.
    • In 2012, a petition was filed in the Supreme Court to investigate as many as 1,528 cases of fake encounters that allegedly occurred in the state between 1979 and 2012.
    • Supreme Court appointed a three-member commission to inquire into the first six of the 1,528 cases in the petition.
    • Its interim judgment of July 2016 said that “there is some truth in the allegations, calling for a deeper probe”.
    • In the court’s view, AFSPA clearly provided the context for these killings.

    Demand for changes and repeal

    • When the Supreme Court pronounced AFSPA constitutional in 1997, it also recommended some changes.
    • Among them was the stipulation that a “disturbed area” designation be subjected to review every six months.
    • In some parts of Northeast India, AFSPA is now routinely extended every six months. But there is little evidence that any meaningful review occurs at those times.
    • In 2004, the then central government set up a five-member committee under former Supreme Court Justice Jeevan Reddy, which submitted its report in 2005 recommending the repeal of AFSPA, calling it “highly undesirable”, and saying it had become a symbol of oppression.
    • Subsequently, the Second Administrative Reforms Commission, headed by Veeerapa Moily, endorsed these recommendations.

    Conclusion

    One must welcome the government’s announcement to reduce the number of such areas. But not to consider the repeal of this law, which is now almost as old as the Republic, is a missed opportunity to reflect on why this law has or has not been successful, and to learn from this history and strengthen the foundation of our democracy.

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  • Foreign Policy Watch: India-Australia

    India-Australia sign Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement (ECTA)

    India and Australia signed an Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement (ECTA) in the presence of PM Narendra Modi and his counterpart in Canberra Scott Morrison.

    India-Australia ECTA

    • It is the first trade agreement of India with a developed country after more than a decade.
    • The Agreement encompasses cooperation across the entire gamut of bilateral economic and commercial relations between the two friendly countries.
    • It covers areas like Trade in Goods, Rules of Origin, Trade in Services, Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT), Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) measures, Dispute Settlement, Movement of Natural Persons, Telecom, Customs Procedures, Pharmaceutical products, and Cooperation in other Areas.
    • Eight subject specific side letters covering various aspects of bilateral economic cooperation were also concluded as part of the Agreement.

    Background of the ECTA

    • The negotiations for India-Australia ECTA were formally re-launched on 30 September 2021 and concluded on a fast-track basis by the end of March 2022.
    • India and Australia enjoy excellent bilateral relations that have undergone transformative evolution in recent years, developing along a positive track, into a friendly partnership.
    • Growing India-Australia economic and commercial relations contribute to the stability and strength of a
    • Australia is the 17th largest trading partner of India and India is Australia’s 9th largest trading partner.

    Features of the agreement

    • The ECTA between India and Australia covers almost all the tariff lines dealt in by India and Australia respectively.
    • India will benefit from preferential market access provided by Australia on 100% of its tariff lines.
    • This includes all the labour-intensive sectors of export interest to India such as Gems and Jewellery, Textiles, leather, footwear, furniture, food, and agricultural products, engineering products, medical devices, and Automobiles.
    • India will be offering preferential access to Australia on over 70% of its tariff lines, including lines of export interest to Australia which are primarily raw materials and intermediaries such as coal, mineral ores and wines etc.
    • As regards trade in services, Australia has offered wide ranging commitments in around 135 sub sectors and Most Favoured Nation (MFN) in 120 sub sectors which cover key areas of India’s interest like IT, ITES, Business services, Health, Education, and Audio visual.
    • Both sides have also agreed to a separate Annex on Pharmaceutical products under this agreement, which will enable fast track approval for patented, generic and biosimilar medicines.

    Way ahead

    • The India-Australia ECTA will further cement the already deep, close and strategic relations between the two countries.
    • It will significantly enhance bilateral trade in goods and services, create new employment opportunities, raise living standards, and improve the general welfare of the peoples of the two countries.

     

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  • Special Category Status and States

    Explained: The ‘Chandigarh Question’

    The newly elected Punjab Legislative Assembly passed a resolution, moved by the Chief Minister himself, on April 1 in a special session seeking the transfer of Chandigarh to Punjab.

    With this, the ‘Chandigarh question’ has resurfaced, but this time it occupies the national spotlight.

    Establishment of Chandigarh

    • Chandigarh is described as a ‘planned city’ emblematic of ‘Nehruvian modernity’.
    • It is a greenfield city, which was commissioned by the government in independent India to replace Lahore, which went to Pakistan after Partition, as the capital of Punjab.
    • Designed by Le Corbusier in association with Pierre Jeanneret, it is located on the foothills of the Shivalik Himalayas on village land acquired from what was then the Kharar tehsil of Ambala district.
    • It was the capital of undivided Punjab from its inauguration in 1953 till 1966.

    Bifurcation of Punjab and Common Capital

    • Under the Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966 following the Punjabi Suba movement, Haryana was carved out of the Hindi-speaking regions as a separate State.
    • The hill regions of Punjab were merged with what was then the Union Territory (UT) of Himachal Pradesh.
    • Chandigarh was made a UT and has remained the joint capital of Haryana and Punjab with State assets divided between Punjab and Haryana in a ratio of 60:40.

    What is the Chandigarh issue?

    • Since 1966, the lack of full rights to its capital has remained a vexed issue in Punjab politics.
    • All the governments and most political parties of Punjab have regularly raised the demand for Chandigarh.
    • It has featured in all major developments, whether it is the 1973 Anandpur Sahib resolution, Dharam Yudh Morcha (then separatist movement) and the 1985 Rajiv-Longowal Accord.
    • Since 1966, the Punjab Assembly has passed at least six such resolutions with the last being in 2014 under the Shiromani Akali Dal-Bharatiya Janata Party (SAD-BJP) government.
    • The Centres’ opposition to the latest Assembly resolution is the first time a political party has taken a contrarian stand.

    What is different this time?

    • The immediate provocation this time has been two recent decisions of the Central government: breaking allies with erstwhile govt and withdrawal of farm laws.
    • The Centre also amended the rules governing the functioning of the Bhakra Beas Management Board (BBMB), constituted under the 1966 Act.
    • It changed the eligibility criteria for the two full-time members of the Board which have, though technically open to all Indian officials, by convention gone to officials from Punjab and Haryana.
    • These moves are widely interpreted as a continuation of the Centre’s contentious relationship with the other political parties.
    • It gives an affront blow to Punjab’s claim over Chandigarh.

    What has been the position of the Union government on the city?

    • At the time of the 1966 Act, the Union government with Indira Gandhi as Prime Minister indicated that the UT status to Chandigarh was temporary and that it would be transferred to Punjab.
    • This decision was formalised in 1970 with Mrs Gandhi promising Haryana funds for building its own capital.
    • According to the 1985 Rajiv-Longowal Accord, Chandigarh was to be handed over to Punjab on January 26, 1986 but this never fructified after the assassination of Longowal and the long period of militancy.
    • The recent developments could thus indicate a shift in the Central government’s position.

    What about Haryana?

    • As in Punjab, all parties in Haryana present a common position asserting its claim to the city.
    • It has objected to any move which associates Chandigarh solely with Punjab.

    Is there a distinctive Chandigarh position?

    • Employees and unions of the Chandigarh administration have mostly welcomed the change in service rules since the Central provisions carry more benefits and perks.
    • After decades of existence as a UT, Chandigarh has developed a distinctive cultural character.
    • Given its geographical location it has the presence of many educational institutions, medical establishments and the Army and Air Force.
    • It has developed a unique cosmopolitanism and become a magnet for the youth across the north western region.
    • They city residents thus favour the status quo.

    Way forward

    • While this time the issue has attracted more attention than usual.
    • Its Punjab mandate indicates massive expectations from the electorate including better service conditions from government employees but it has inherited a debt-ridden government.
    • The new govt will have to balance these contending claims in deciding further action.

     

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