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Archives: News

  • Foreign Policy Watch: India-China

    China’s new land border law and Indian concerns

    China has recently passed a new land law for the “protection and exploitation of the country’s land border areas”.

    Land Border Law: Key Takeaways

    • The law states that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of China are sacred and inviolable.
    • It asks the state to take measures to safeguard territorial integrity and land boundaries and guard against and combat any act that undermines these.
    • The state can take measures to strengthen border defence, support economic and social development as well as opening-up in border areas.
    • It seeks to improve public services and infrastructure in such areas, encourage and support people’s life and work there.

    Other features

    • In effect, this suggests a push to settle civilians in the border areas.
    • The law also asks the state to follow the principles of equality, mutual trust, and friendly consultation, handle land border related-affairs with neighbouring countries.

    China’s land borders

    • China shares its 22,457-km land boundary with 14 countries including India, the third-longest after the borders with Mongolia and Russia.
    • Unlike the Indian border, however, China’s borders with these two countries are not disputed.
    • The only other country with which China has disputed land borders is Bhutan (477 km).

    Why is it significant for India?

    • China claims up to 90,000 square kilometres in Arunachal Pradesh in the eastern sector.
    • It has illegally occupied 38,000 square kilometres of Aksai Chin in the western sector of Jammu and Kashmir.
    • While recent tensions in the western sector have been centred on Ladakh, both sides have lately clashed in Uttarakhand as well.

    A signal to India

    • The law is not meant specifically for the border with India.
    • However, this could create hurdles in the resolution of the 17-month-long military standoff at LAC.
    • There is also a clear distinction that PLA will do border management but it will make negotiations a little more difficult.

     

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  • Citizenship and Related Issues

    What is National Population Register?

    The latest form of the National Population Register (NPR) appears to have retained contentious questions such as “mother tongue, place of birth of father and mother and last place of residence”.

    National Population Register

    • The NPR is a Register of usual residents of the country.
    • It is being prepared at the local (Village/sub-Town), sub-District, District, State and National level.
    • This is carried under provisions of the Citizenship Act 1955 and the Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and issue of National Identity Cards) Rules, 2003.
    • It is mandatory for every usual resident of India to register in the NPR.
    • A usual resident is defined for the purposes of NPR as a person who has resided in a local area for the past 6 months or more or a person who intends to reside in that area for the next 6 months or more.

    Why NPR is under fire?

    • Though NPR was first compiled in 2010 and updated in 2015, the new questions were part of a trial exercise involving 30 lakh respondents in September 2019.
    • The exercise has perceived the first step toward the compilation of the National Register of Indian Citizens (NRC) according to Citizenship Rules, 2003.

    Questions in NPR

    • In 2020 NPR, the respondent will have to specify the “name of State and district” if the place of birth of father and mother is in India and mention the country’s name if not born here.
    • The form will collect details on 14 parameters of all family members.
    • The sub-heads include passport number, relationship to head of the family, whether divorced/widowed or separated, mother tongue, if non-worker, cultivator, labourer, government employee, daily wage earner among others.
    • The form also has a column on Aadhar, mobile phone, Voter ID and driving license number, which are to be provided if available with the respondent.

    How are NRIC and NPR related?

    • Out of the NPR, a set of all usual residents of India, the government proposes to create a database of “citizens of India”.
    • Thus, the “National Register of Indian Citizens” (NRIC) is a sub-set of the NPR.
    • The NRIC will be prepared at the local, sub-district, district and State levels after verifying the citizenship status of the residents.
    • The rules say the particulars of every family and individual found in the Population Register shall be verified and scrutinized by the Local Registrar.

    How NPR is different from Census?

    • The census involves a detailed questionnaire — there were 29 items to be filled up in the 2011 census.
    • They are aimed at eliciting the particulars of every person, including age, sex, marital status, children, occupation, birthplace, mother tongue, religion, disability and whether they belonged to any SC or ST.
    • On the other hand, the NPR collects basic demographic data and biometric particulars.
    • While the census is legally backed by the Census Act, 1948, the NPR is a mechanism outlined in a set of rules framed under the Citizenship Act, 1955.

     

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  • Tribes in News

    Meghalaya to give land rights to men

    Matrilineal Meghalaya is set to break the tradition of share of parental property to the khatduh, which means the youngest daughter in the Khasi language.

    Matrilineal Society of Meghalaya

    • The matrilineal tradition which the Khasi and other subgroups practice in Meghalaya is unique within India.
    • Khasi are an ancient tribe said to be the largest surviving matrilineal culture in the world.
    • Matrilineal principles among the Khasi are emphasised in myths, legends, and origin narratives.

    Their evolution

    • Khasi kings embarking on wars left the responsibility of running the family to women and thus their role in society became very deep rooted and respected.
    • Reference to Nari Rajya (female kingdom; or land of matriarchy) in the epic Mahabharata likely correlates with the Khasi and Jaintia Hills and Meghalaya’s present-day matrilineal culture.

    Property rights

    • The youngest daughter of the family, the Ka Khadduh, inherits all ancestral property.
    • After marriage, husbands live in the mother-in-law’s home.
    • The mother’s surname is taken by children.
    • When no daughters are born to a couple, they adopt a daughter and pass their rights to property to her.
    • The birth of a girl is celebrated while the birth of a son is simply accepted.
    • There is no social stigma attributed to a woman remarrying or giving birth out of wedlock as the “Khasi Social Custom Lineage Act” gives security to them.
    • Care of children is the responsibility of mothers or mothers-in-law.

    Matrilineal, not matriarchal

    • While society is matrilineal, it is not matriarchal. In past monarchies of the state, the son of the youngest sister of the king inherited the throne.
    • Even now in the Meghalaya Legislative Assembly or village councils or panchayats the representation of women in politics is minimal.

    Issues with the system

    • Some Khasi men perceive themselves to be accorded a secondary status.
    • They have established societies to protect equal rights for men.
    • They express that Khasi men don’t have any security, they don’t own land, they don’t run the family business and, at the same time, they are almost good for nothing.

     

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  • Forest Conservation Efforts – NFP, Western Ghats, etc.

    Podu Land issue in Telangana

    The Telangana government has decided to move landless, non-tribal farmers engaged in Podu shifting cultivation inside forests to peripheral areas as it looks to combat deforestation.

    What is Shifting Cultivation?

    • Shifting cultivation is a form of agriculture or a cultivation system, in which, at any particular point in time, a minority of ‘fields’ are in cultivation and a majority are in various stages of natural re-growth.
    • Over time, fields are cultivated for a relatively short time, and allowed to recover, or are fallowed, for a relatively long time.
    • Eventually, a previously cultivated field will be cleared of the natural vegetation and planted in crops again.
    • Fields in established and stable shifting cultivation systems are cultivated and fallowed cyclically.
    • This type of farming is also called jhumming in India.

    What is Podu?

    • Podu is a traditional system of cultivation used by tribes in India, whereby different areas of jungle forest are cleared by burning each year to provide land for crops.
    • The word comes from the Telugu language.
    • Podu is a form of shifting agriculture using slash-and-burn methods.

    Issue in Telangana

    • Shifting cultivation continues to be a predominant agricultural practice in many parts of India, despite state discouragement and multipronged efforts.
    • Telangana government has red-flagged encroachment of forests by non-tribals, who are indulging in the practice of shifting agriculture (podu).
    • Several political leaders have raised the issues of shifting agriculture and deforestation wherein encroachers clear a portion of land.
    • The government now wants to shift out all farmers from the forests to the periphery by allotting lands to them for cultivation.

    Impact of the move

    • Tribal farmers who have been traditionally cultivating for decades will not be affected by this drive against illegal encroachers.
    • The government has, in fact, given land ownership titles to tribals.
    • Other encroaching farmers will be shifted out.

    Back2Basics: Various shifting cultivation in India

    Type Place of practice
    Jhum North-eastern India
    Vevar and Dahiyaar Bundelkhand Region (Madhya Pradesh)
    Deepa Bastar District (Madhya Pradesh)
    Zara and Erka Southern States
    Batra South-eastern Rajasthan
    Podu Andhra Pradesh
    Kumari Hilly Region of the Western Ghats of Kerala
    Kaman, Vinga and Dhavi Odisha

     

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  • Cyber Security – CERTs, Policy, etc

    National Cyber Coordination Centre (NCSC)

    There are cybersecurity organisations in the country but no central body responsible for safety in the online space said the National Cyber Security Coordinator (NCSC).

    National Cyber Coordination Centre

    Headed by National Cyber Security Coordinator:  Lt. Gen. Rajesh Pant (Retd.)

    Objective: To help the country deal with malicious cyber-activities by acting as an Internet traffic monitoring entity that can fend off domestic or international attacks

    • The National Cyber Coordination Centre (NCCC) is an operational cybersecurity and e-surveillance agency in India.
    • It is jurisdictionally under the Ministry of Home Affairs.
    • It coordinates with multiple security and surveillance agencies as well as with CERT-In of the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology.
    • Components of the NCCC include a cybercrime prevention strategy, cybercrime investigation training and review of outdated laws.

    Functions

    • It will be India’s first layer for cyber threat monitoring and all communication with government and private service providers would be through this body only.
    • The NCCC will be in virtual contact with the control room of all ISPs to scan traffic within the country, flowing at the point of entry and exit, including the international gateway.

    Cyber-security bottlenecks in India

    • India has no dedicated Cyber-security regulation and is also not well prepared to deal with cyberwarfare.
    • India has formulated the National Cyber Security Policy 2013 which is not yet implemented.
    • NCCC has been classified to be a project of the Indian government without a legal framework, which may be counterproductive as it may violate civil liberties and human rights.
    • Some have expressed concern that the NCCC could encroach on Indian citizens’ privacy and civil liberties, given the lack of explicit privacy laws in the country.

    Back2Basics: Indian Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT-IN)

    • CERT-IN is an office within the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology.
    • It is the nodal agency to deal with cyber security threats like hacking and phishing. It strengthens the security-related defence of the Indian Internet domain.
    • It was formed in 2004 by the Government of India under the Information Technology Act, 2000 Section (70B) under the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology.

     

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  • Foreign Policy Watch: India-China

    A ‘bubbles of trust’ approach to globalisation

    Context

    An asymmetric globalisation favouring China allowed Beijing to attain power. It is now using that power to undermine liberal democratic values around the world.

    What is Globalization?

    Globalization is a process of increasing interdependence, interconnectedness and integration of economies and societies to such an extent that an event in one part of the globe affects people in other parts of the world.

    OR

     Globalization is a process of interaction and integration among the people, organizations, and governments of different nations, a process driven by international trade and investment and aided by information technology.

    Asymmetric globalisation

    • The Chinese market was never open to foreign companies in the way foreign markets are to Chinese firms.
    • This is particularly true in the information and communications technology sector: foreign media, technology and software companies have always been walled out of Chinese markets.
    • Meanwhile, Chinese firms rode on the globalisation bandwagon to secure significant market shares in open economies.

    Global retreat from globalisation and role of Quad

    • We are currently witnessing a global retreat from the free movement of goods, services, capital, people and ideas.
    • But this should not be understood as a reaction to globalisation itself, but of its skewed pattern over the past four decades.
    • The Quad countries – Japan, India, Australia and the U.S. – have an opportunity to change tack and stop seeing engagement with China through the misleading prism of free trade and globalisation.
    • It will be to their advantage to create a new form of economic cooperation consistent with their geopolitical interests.
    • Indeed, without an economic programme, the Quad’s geopolitical and security agenda stand on tenuous foundations.

    Economies inside bubbles of trust

    • Policies of self-reliance: The popular backlash against China – exacerbated by the economic disruption of the pandemic – is pushing Quad governments towards policies of self-reliance.
    • But while reorienting and de-risking global supply chains is one thing, pursuing technological sovereignty is inherently self-defeating.
    • Worse still, inward-looking policies often acquire a life of their own and contribute to geopolitical marginalisation.
    • There is a better way.
    • A convergence of values and geopolitical interests means Quad countries are uniquely placed to envelop their economies inside bubbles of trust, starting with the technology sector.
    • The idea of ‘bubbles of trust’ offers a cautious middle path between the extremes of technological sovereignty and laissez-faire globalisation.
    •  Unlike trading blocs, which tend to be insular and exclusive, bubbles tend to expand organically, attracting new partners that share values, interests and economic complementarities.
    • Such expansion will be necessary, as the Quad cannot fulfil its strategic ambitions merely by holding a defensive line against authoritarian power.

    Way forward

    • The U.S. is a global leader in intellectual property, Japan in high-value manufacturing, Australia in advanced niches such as quantum computing and cyber security, and India in human capital.
    • This configuration of values, interests and complementary capabilities offers unrivalled opportunities.
    • The Quad’s Critical and Emerging Technology Working Group, announced in March 2021, is well placed to develop the necessary ‘bubbles of trust’ framework, which could be adopted at the next Quad summit.
    • To be successful the Working Group must seek to strengthen geopolitical convergences, increase faith in each member state’s judicial systems, deepen economic ties and boost trust in one another’s citizens.
    • There are fundamental differences between authoritarian and liberal-democratic approaches to the information age.
    • The Quad cannot allow differences of approach on privacy, data governance, platform competition and the digital economy to widen.

    Conclusion

    This agenda cannot be about substituting China. Rather, the approach would allow Quad countries to manage their dependencies on China while simultaneously developing a new vision for the global economy.

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  • Foreign Policy Watch- India-Central Asia

    India’s Central Asian outreach

    Context

    The evolving situation in Afghanistan has thrown up renewed challenges for India’s regional and bilateral ties with Central Asia and the Caucasus, prompting India to recalibrate its rules of engagement with the region.

    Background of India’s relations with Central Asian countries

    • After the breakup of the Soviet Union and the formation of the independent republics in Central Asia, India reset its ties with the strategically critical region.
    • India provided financial aid to the region and established diplomatic relations.
    • New Delhi signed the Strategic Partnership Agreements (SPA) with Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan to stimulate defence cooperation and deepen trade relations.
    • In 2012, New Delhi’s ‘Connect Central Asia’ policy aimed at furthering India’s political, economic, historical and cultural connections with the region.
    • However, India’s efforts were stonewalled by Pakistan’s lack of willingness to allow India passage through its territory.

    Renewed engagement with Central Asia

    • The growing geostrategic and security concerns regarding the BRI’s China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and its violation of India’s sovereignty forced New Delhi to fix its lethargic strategy.
    • Eventually, Central Asia became the link that placed Eurasia in New Delhi’s zone of interest.
    • India signed MoUs with Iran in 2015 to develop the Chabahar port in the Sistan-Baluchistan province that was in the doldrums from 2003.
    • External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar was in the region earlier this month.
    • In Kyrgyzstan, Mr. Jaishankar extended a credit line of $200 million for the support of development projects and signed an memorandum of understanding (MoU) on High-Impact Community Development Projects (HICDP).
    • Kazakhstan: His next stop was the Kazakhstan capital, Nur Sultan, where he attended the 6th Foreign Ministers’ Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA).
    • Armenia: Mr. Jaishankar has become the first Indian External Affairs Minister to visit Armenia.
    •  During the visit, Mr. Jaishankar also supported efforts for a peaceful solution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia under the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s (OSCE) Minsk group.

    Limits of SCO

    • The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was created in response to the threats of terrorism that sprang from Afghanistan.
    • The Taliban re-establishing its supremacy over Afghanistan has also exposed the weaknesses of coalitions such as SCO.
    • The SCO has been used by most member countries for their own regional geostrategic and security interests, increasing the trust-deficit and divergence within the forum.

    Way forward

    • Most of the Central Asian leaders view India’s Chabahar port as an opportunity to diversify their export markets and control China’s ambitions.
    • They have admitted New Delhi into the Ashgabat Agreement, allowing India access to connectivity networks to facilitate trade and commercial interactions with both Central Asia and Eurasia, and also access the natural resources of the region.
    • Rising anti-Chinese sentiments within the region and security threats from the Taliban allow New Delhi and Central Asia to reimagine their engagement.
    • Central Asian countries have been keen to have India as a partner as they have sought to diversify their strategic ties.

    Conclusion

    India cannot afford to lose any time in recalibrating its regional engagements.

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  • Foreign Policy Watch: India-Pakistan

    Crises in Pakistan is an occasion to reflect on the long-term regional consequences

    Context

    Whether it can or should make a difference to Pakistan’s internal politics, India must pay greater attention to the internal dynamics of our most difficult neighbour and more purposefully engage a diverse set of actors in that polity.

    India’s interventions in internal affairs of neighbours

    • Except for Pakistan, in most other countries of the subcontinent, India is drawn quickly into their internal political arguments.
    • Delhi has always exercised some influence on the outcomes of those contestations.
    • It is enough to note that India’s interventions are a recurring pattern in the subcontinent’s international relations.
    • Even when Delhi is reluctant to get into the weeds of these conflicts, the competing parties in the neighbourhood demand India’s intervention on their behalf.
    • All of the contestants, of course, resolutely oppose India’s meddling when it goes against them.
    • But Delhi has rarely been a decisive player in Pakistan’s internal politics.
    • Delhi’s hands-off attitude is surprising, given India’s huge stakes in the nature of Pakistan’s policies and their massive impact on regional security.

    Current crises in Pakistan

    • Internal crises: Among the many challenges confronting Pakistan is the fresh breakdown in civil-military relations.
    • Pakistan’s economy is in a tailspin as it struggles to negotiate a stabilisation package with the International Monetary Fund.
    • The militant religious movement Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) has mounted a fresh march against the capital demanding the release of its arrested leader.
    • External crises: The internal crises are sharpened by worsening external conditions.
    • In Afghanistan, Pakistan has succeeded in restoring the Taliban to power.
    • The celebrations have not lasted too long; the long-awaited victory is turning sour.
    • The Arab Gulf states that have been fast friends of Pakistan are now tilting towards India.
    • Once a favourite partner of the West, Pakistan today faces tensions in its ties with the US and Europe.
    • More broadly, nuclear weapons and a powerful army seem unable to stop Pakistan’s relative decline in relation to not just India but also Bangladesh.
    • Pakistan’s economy is now 10 times smaller than that of India and is well behind Bangladesh.

    Suggestions

    • Whether it can or should make a difference to Pakistan’s internal politics, India must pay greater attention to the internal dynamics of our most difficult neighbour and more purposefully engage a diverse set of actors in that polity.
    • For Delhi, it is always about narrow political arguments with Rawalpindi and Islamabad; it is as if the people of Pakistan do not exist.
    • For India, the crises in Pakistan should be an occasion to reflect on the long-term regional consequences of Pakistan’s internal turbulence.
    • It might be argued that that unlike elsewhere in the neighbourhood, Delhi’s leverage in Pakistan’s politics is limited. But it is by no means negligible.

    Consider the question “For Delhi, it is always about narrow political arguments with Rawalpindi and Islamabad; it is as if the people of Pakistan do not exist. The depth of the current crises in Pakistan, however, should nudge India into overcoming this entrenched indifference. Comment.”

    Conclusion

    India looms so large in Pakistan’s mind space. For Delhi, it may be worth trying to turn that into influence over Pakistan’s policies if only at the tactical level and at the margins.

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  • Health Sector – UHC, National Health Policy, Family Planning, Health Insurance, etc.

    Ayushman Bharat Health Infrastructure Mission

    PM has launched the Ayushman Bharat Health Infrastructure Mission (AB-HIM), one of the largest pan-India schemes for strengthening healthcare infrastructure.

    AB- Health Infrastructure Mission

    • AB-HIM is being rolled out as India’s largest scheme to scale up health infrastructure.
    • It is aimed at ensuring a robust public health infrastructure in both urban and rural areas, capable of responding to public health emergencies or disease outbreaks.

    Key features

    • Health and Wellness Centres: In a bid to increase accessibility it will provide support to 17,788 rural HWC in 10 ‘high focus’ states and establish 11,024 urban HWC across the country.
    • Exclusive Critical Care Hospital Blocks: It will ensure access to critical care services in all districts of the country with over five lakh population through ‘Exclusive Critical Care Hospital Blocks’.
    • Integrated public health labs: will also be set up in all districts, giving people access to “a full range of diagnostic services” through a network of laboratories across the country.
    • Disease surveillance system: The mission also aims to establish an IT-enabled disease surveillance system through a network of surveillance laboratories at block, district, regional and national levels.
    • Integrated Health Information Portal: All the public health labs will be connected through this Portal, which will be expanded to all states and UTs, the PMO said.

    Why is the scheme significant?

    • India has long been in need of a ubiquitous healthcare system.
    • A 2019 study has highlighted how access to public health care remained elusive to those living on the margins.
    • The study found that 70 per cent of the locations have public healthcare services.
    • However, availability was less in rural areas (65 per cent) compared to urban areas (87 per cent).
    • In 45 per cent of the surveyed locations, people could access healthcare services by walking, whereas in 43 per cent of the locations they needed to use transport.

     

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  • Interstate River Water Dispute

    Mullaperiyar Dam Issue

    The Supreme Court has directed the Supervisory Committee to take an immediate and firm decision on the maximum water level that can be maintained at Mullaperiyar dam amidst torrential rains in Kerala.

    What is the news?

    • A report by United Nations has stated that the Mullaperiyar dam, situated in a seismically active area, faces the risk of failure.
    • Earlier this year, the Supreme Court warned the TN Chief Secretary against the failure to give information on the rule curve for dam which decides the discharge of excess water.

    Mullaperiyar Dam

    • It is a masonry gravity dam on the Periyar River in Kerala.
    • It is located on the Cardamom Hills of the Western Ghats in Thekkady, Idukki District.
    • It was constructed between 1887 and 1895 by John Pennycuick and also reached in an agreement to divert water eastwards to the Madras Presidency area.
    • It has a height of 53.6 m (176 ft) from the foundation, and a length of 365.7 m (1,200 ft).

    Operational issue

    • The dam is located in Kerala but is operated and maintained by Tamil Nadu.
    • The catchment area of the Mullaperiyar Dam itself lies entirely in Kerala and thus not an inter-State river.
    • In November 2014, the water level hit 142 feet for first time in 35 years.
    • The reservoir again hit the maximum limit of 142 feet in August 2018, following incessant rains in the state of Kerala.
    • Indeed, the tendency to store water to almost the full level of reservoirs is becoming a norm among water managers across States.

    The dispute: Control and safety of the dam

    • Supreme court judgment came in February 2006, has allowed Tamil Nadu to raise the level of the dam to 152 ft (46 m) after strengthening it.
    • Responding to it, the Mullaperiyar dam was declared an ‘endangered’ scheduled dam by the Kerala Government under the disputed Kerala Irrigation and Water Conservation (Amendment) Act, 2006.
    • For Tamil Nadu, the Mullaperiyar dam and the diverted Periyar waters act as a lifeline for Theni, Madurai, Sivaganga, Dindigul and Ramnad districts.
    • Tamil Nadu has insisted on exercising the unfettered colonial rights to control the dam and its waters, based on the 1886 lease agreement.

    Rule of Curve issue

    • A rule curve or rule level specifies the storage or empty space to be maintained in a reservoir during different times of the year.
    • It decides the fluctuating storage levels in a reservoir.
    • The gate opening schedule of a dam is based on the rule curve. It is part of the “core safety” mechanism in a dam.
    • The TN government often blames Kerala for delaying the finalization of the rule curve.

     

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