💥UPSC 2026, 2027 UAP Mentorship September Batch

Minority Issues – SC, ST, Dalits, OBC, Reservations, etc.

SC on amended Waqf Act: What has been stayed, what remains

Introduction

The Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025, passed by Parliament earlier this year, faced widespread opposition from political leaders, religious organisations, and civil society. Over 65 petitions were filed, challenging its constitutional validity. On September 15, the Supreme Court issued an interim order staying several key provisions, particularly those expanding the powers of district collectors, imposing a five-year Islam practice condition for creating a waqf, and capping non-Muslim representation in Waqf boards. At the same time, the Court upheld other significant changes such as the removal of “waqf-by-user” and the applicability of the Limitation Act. This selective intervention reflects the judiciary’s cautious approach in balancing equity, religious freedom, and governance.

Waqf

Why is the Supreme Court’s interim stay significant?

  1. First major judicial intervention: The SC’s order is the first substantive check on the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025 since its passage.
  2. Large-scale impact: With nearly 65 petitions filed, the matter affects thousands of properties and the rights of the Muslim community across India.
  3. Balance of powers: The Court flagged violation of the separation of powers doctrine by preventing revenue officers from adjudicating property titles.
  4. Guardrails against misuse: While not striking down the Act, the Court has added interim safeguards to prevent dispossession and misuse of powers.

What powers of District Collectors were stayed?

  1. Section 3C inquiry power: District Collectors could declare that land claimed as waqf is government property. The SC stayed the clause that made waqf status cease immediately upon inquiry.
  2. Arbitrariness highlighted: Entrusting title determination to a revenue officer was held to be prima facie arbitrary.
  3. Safeguard applied: Waqf properties will retain their status until adjudicated by a Waqf Tribunal. However, no third-party rights can be created until final resolution.

How did the Court deal with non-Muslim representation in Waqf Boards?

  1. Capping membership: Central Waqf Council (22 members) shall not have more than 4 non-Muslims; State Waqf Boards (11 members) shall not have more than 3 non-Muslims.
  2. Community rights upheld: This ensures that the Muslim community’s right under Article 26 to manage religious affairs is not diluted.
  3. Avoiding ambiguity: The SC clarified numbers to prevent misinterpretation of the law.

What about the ‘five years of practising Islam’ rule?

  1. New definition of waqf: The 2025 Act required proof of practising Islam for five years to create a waqf.
  2. Provision stayed: SC stayed this rule until the government frames rules and mechanisms for proof.
  3. Judicial caution: The Court noted concerns of arbitrariness and discrimination, but also recognised historical misuse of waqf as a tool to evade creditors.

Which provisions were not stayed?

  1. Abolition of ‘waqf by user’: The Court upheld its removal, citing misuse to encroach upon government lands.
  2. Applicability of the Limitation Act: Waqfs must now act within statutory limitation periods. This was upheld as removing previous discrimination.
  3. Registration compliance: SC emphasised that waqfs had 102 years (since 1923) to register, hence claims of arbitrariness were weak.

What is the larger constitutional and governance context?

  1. Presumption of constitutionality: Laws passed by Parliament carry weight until struck down.
  2. Balancing equities: The SC avoided blanket suspension, staying only contentious clauses.
  3. Protection of minority rights: Ensures Article 26 freedoms are not eroded.
  4. Preventing property misuse: Legislative intent to protect government property and curb misuse was acknowledged.

Conclusion

The Supreme Court’s interim order on the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025 reflects a nuanced judicial approachprotecting religious freedoms while respecting legislative authority. By drawing constitutional boundaries for state power and emphasising procedural fairness, the Court has reinforced its role as a guardian of equity and minority rights. The final verdict will have long-lasting implications for governance of religious endowments and minority trust in legal institutions.

PYQ Relevance:

[UPSC 2019] What are the challenges to our cultural practices in the name of secularism.

Linkage: The Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2025 has been challenged for allegedly curbing the Muslim community’s right under Article 26 to manage its religious endowments, showing how state intervention can threaten cultural practices. The Supreme Court’s interim stay on provisions like non-Muslim majority in Waqf Boards and “five years of practising Islam” directly reflects the tension between secular governance and religious autonomy. Thus, the case exemplifies the broader challenge of balancing secularism with protection of cultural practices, as asked in the 2019 question.

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Social Media: Prospect and Challenges

The conduct of social media companies amid political unrest

Introduction

The insurrection in Nepal, which led to the fall of the K.P. Sharma Oli government after just two days, brought with it an immediate digital clampdown: a ban on 26 social media platforms. While such state actions are not unprecedented, what deserves scrutiny is the consistent passivity of social media companies in moments of political crisis. Despite marketing themselves as champions of free expression, Big Social firms often prioritise profit motives and regulatory compliance over defending user rights. The Nepal episode is not an isolated case but part of a global pattern spanning Russia, Myanmar, Nigeria, and Iran.

Why is this issue in the news?

The Nepal unrest marks the latest instance of governments weaponising internet shutdowns, but the bigger story is the role of social media platforms. Instead of resisting, they largely issued boilerplate statements, leaving millions of users disconnected. This sharp contrast between their claims of empowering citizens and their reluctance to act exposes the gap between rhetoric and responsibility. The scale of the problem is massive, bans disrupt civic life, cost economies billions, and exacerbate inequality in times of crisis.

The Conduct of Social Media Companies Amid Political Unrest

Why do social media companies stay passive?

  1. Profit Motives: Companies fear losing access to lucrative markets more than reputational harm.
  2. Government Pressure: Host states can fine, jail, or exclude companies, discouraging open resistance.
  3. Commercial Interests vs. Civic Responsibility: Platforms project neutrality but continue profiting while users bear risks.

How has this pattern unfolded globally?

  1. Russia (2018): Telegram fought bans technically but gave little political solidarity to users facing arrests.
  2. Myanmar (2021): Facebook ban cut off protestors from news and organising tools.
  3. Nigeria (2021): Twitter suspension cost the economy $26 million/day while the company stayed largely silent.
  4. Iran (2022): Instagram and WhatsApp issued generic appeals while small businesses collapsed.

What technological solutions exist but remain unused?

  1. Decentralised Networks: Tor, I2P, Mastodon, and Signal proxies allow traffic rerouting.
  2. Corporate Tools: Google’s Outline VPN, YouTube’s delivery networks, and WhatsApp piggybacking on HTTPS could bypass bans.
  3. Underdeployment: Companies avoid such measures due to fears of retaliation and loss of ad-driven surveillance models.

How does Big Social compare with other industries?

  1. Financial Sector: PayPal and Visa cut services in Russia citing ethics.
  2. Wikipedia: Won a legal battle against Turkey’s ban.
  3. Telecom Firms: Unlike them, SM companies market themselves as defenders of expression, making passivity starker.

What are the wider consequences of passivity?

  1. Digital Divide: Richer users bypass bans with VPNs, poorer citizens are excluded.
  2. Insecurity: Users shift to unsafe alternatives, scams rise, and access to trusted news collapses.
  3. Corporate Power Paradox: Meta’s revenue ($134 bn) and Alphabet’s ($300 bn) exceed GDPs of Nepal and Nigeria, yet they plead helplessness.

What could be the way forward?

  1. Transparency Mandates: Publish shutdown orders, legal justifications, and company responses.
  2. Technical Contingencies: Industry-wide standards for proxy modes, redundancy, and fallback networks.
  3. Regional Cooperation: Blocs like AU and SAARC can negotiate common demands.
  4. Moral Responsibility: Companies must balance profit motives with defending civic infrastructure.

Conclusion

The Nepal episode illustrates a broader global pattern where social media companies retreat into silence during political unrest. While they claim neutrality, their choices are deeply political, amplifying inequalities and weakening democratic resilience. Given their vast resources and influence, neutrality is no longer an option. Transparency, decentralisation, and moral responsibility must become cornerstones of their global operations, especially in the Global South where civic stakes are highest.

Value Addition

  • Santa Clara Principles (2018): 
    • Framework urging tech companies to publish government takedown requests, explain moderation decisions, and ensure due process in digital rights protection.
    • Highlights the need for transparency and accountability in content moderation.
  • UNHRC Resolution (2016):
    • Declared internet shutdowns as a violation of international law and an infringement on freedom of expression.
    • Recognises access to the internet as a fundamental enabler of human rights.
  • Economic Impact of Shutdowns:
    • Nigeria’s Twitter ban (2021) cost the economy nearly $26 million/day, showing how bans hurt not just civic spaces but also small businesses and livelihoods.
    • Similarly, India has often topped the list of internet shutdowns globally, costing billions annually.
  • Concept of Digital Authoritarianism:
    • Use of internet control, shutdowns, and surveillance by states to curb dissent. Seen in Myanmar (2021 coup), Iran (2022 protests), and Nepal (2025 unrest).
  • Surveillance Capitalism (Shoshana Zuboff):
    • Business model of Big Tech that monetises user data through targeted ads. Centralised control discourages adoption of decentralised, privacy-respecting technologies.
  • Civic Infrastructure at Risk:
    • Platforms are not neutral spaces but essential public utilities during crises. Their passivity undermines democratic resilience and widens the digital divide.
  • Technological Solutions & Precedents:
    • Signal Proxies (Iran, 2022) – volunteers hosted relays to bypass censorship.
    • Wikipedia vs. Turkey – fought a multi-year legal battle and restored access, unlike Big Social’s passivity.
    • Google’s Outline VPN – toolkit for journalists and activists, an example of proactive circumvention tools.
  • International Comparisons:
    • Financial Sector – PayPal & Visa cut ties with Russia citing ethics after Ukraine invasion.
    • Telecoms – forced into compliance immediately with shutdown orders, unlike Big Social which claims neutrality yet markets itself as pro-free expression.

PYQ Relevance:

[UPSC 2016] Use of internet and social media by non-state actors for subversive activities is a major security concern. How have these been misused in the recent past? Suggest Effective guidelines to curb the above threat.

Linkage: The Nepal case and similar crises show how governments misuse shutdowns while non-state actors exploit social media for mobilisation, misinformation, and violence. The passivity of Big Social aggravates risks by denying safe, transparent channels, widening the digital divide. Thus, effective guidelines must balance security imperatives with digital rights, corporate accountability, and technological safeguards.

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Cutting off online gaming with scissors of prohibition

Introduction

In a surprising move at the end of the Monsoon Session 2025, the Parliament passed the Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming Act, 2025. The Act outlaws online real money games, citing societal harms such as addiction and financial ruin, while aiming to encourage e-sports. What makes this development significant is the abruptness of the ban, absence of stakeholder consultation, and the wiping out of a sunrise sector that had attracted heavy foreign investment and promised thousands of quality tech jobs.

The Fallout of the Ban

  1. Job Losses: The industry was projected to employ 1.5 lakh people by 2025 in programming, design, analytics, and customer support. The ban curtails these opportunities in a job-scarce economy.
  2. Revenue Sacrifice: Online real money games were expected to generate ₹17,000 crore in GST revenues, benefiting both Centre and States. The ban erases this fiscal opportunity.
  3. Investor Confidence: Sudden policy reversals discourage foreign direct investment (FDI), raising doubts about India’s policy stability.
  4. Innovation Slowdown: Online gaming sits at the intersection of technology, payments, and digital content, key drivers of Digital India. The ban risks stifling entrepreneurship and innovation.

Why Did the Government Ban Real Money Gaming?

  1. Societal Harm: The government argues online gaming has led to addiction, financial ruin, and behavioral issues comparable to drug dependence.
  2. Public Pressure: State-level cases of suicides and debt traps pushed policymakers to respond.
  3. Moral Positioning: The Centre framed the issue as a public health crisis requiring urgent intervention.

Could Regulation Have Been a Better Alternative?

  1. Responsible Gaming Tools: Platforms had developed age-gating, self-exclusion, deposit/time limits, KYC/AML checks, and bot-detection to promote safer gaming.
  2. International Practices: Globally, ethical advertising and technological safeguards regulate the sector rather than outright bans.
  3. State Frameworks: States like Tamil Nadu were experimenting with balanced regulatory frameworks, creating scope for a middle path.

Risks of the Ban

  1. Illegal Networks: Players may migrate to offshore and underground apps, which pay no taxes and are beyond Indian jurisdiction.
  2. Loss of Accountability: With regulated firms shut down, compulsive gamers are left vulnerable to fraud and unsafe practices.
  3. Federal Overreach: Betting and gambling fall under the State List; the Centre’s unilateral move undermines federalism.
  4. Constitutional Challenge: Article 19(1)(g) guarantees the Fundamental Right to practice any trade or business. The ban raises issues of proportionality and constitutional validity.

The Middle Ground

  1. Licensing System: Grant licenses to vetted firms with strict compliance norms.
  2. Clear Distinction: Differentiate between games of skill (legitimate) and games of chance (gambling).
  3. Taxation Regime: Ensure predictable and fair taxation, boosting both revenue and compliance.
  4. Capacity Building: Strengthen regulatory institutions instead of relying on prohibition.

Conclusion

The Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming Act, 2025, highlights the clash between state paternalism and economic freedom. While societal concerns around addiction are real, prohibition is a blunt instrument that risks pushing activity underground, sacrificing jobs, revenues, and investor trust. A regulatory middle path could have safeguarded both citizens and India’s economic interests.

Value Addition

Understanding the Online Gaming Sector

  1. E-sports: Organised competitive digital sports requiring strategy, coordination, decision-making; emerging as a legitimate sport.
  2. Online Social Games: Casual, skill-based games for recreation, learning, or social interaction; considered safe with minimal social risks.
  3. Online Money Games: Involve financial stakes (chance/skill/mixed); linked to addiction, financial losses, money laundering, and suicides.

Game of Skill vs Game of Chance in India

Game of Skill

  1. Outcome depends predominantly on knowledge, training, strategy, or judgment.
  2. Examples: Chess, Rummy, Fantasy sports (judicially recognised in some cases).
  3. Legal Status: Judicially upheld as legitimate business activity, not gambling. Protected under Article 19(1)(g) (right to trade/profession).

Game of Chance

  1. Outcome depends mainly on luck or randomness, not player skill.
  2. Examples: Lotteries, Roulette, Dice-based betting.
  3. Legal Status: Considered gambling; regulated/prohibited by States (as per State List, Entry 34 of 7th Schedule).

Regulation in India

Judicial Precedents:

  1. R.M.D. Chamarbaugwala v. Union of India (1957) – distinguished games of skill from gambling.
  2. K.R. Lakshmanan v. State of Tamil Nadu (1996) – horse racing recognised as a game of skill.

Federal Context: Betting & gambling are State subjects; hence regulation differs across states.

Digital Loophole: Many online games operate in a grey zone → recent legislation like the Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming Act, 2025 seeks to ban money games irrespective of skill/chance classification.

Promotion and Regulation of Online Gaming Acy, 2025

Why the Bill was Brought

  1. Addiction & Financial Ruin: 45 crore people affected; losses of over ₹20,000 crores due to online money games.
  2. Mental Health & Suicides: Financial distress linked to addiction resulted in suicides.
  3. Fraud & Money Laundering: Offshore platforms used for illegal financial flows.
  4. National Security Risks: Evidence of terror financing and illegal messaging.
  5. Closing Legal Loopholes: Existing gambling laws did not cover the digital domain.
  6. Balanced Approach: Distinguishes between exploitative money games and constructive e-sports/educational games.

Key Provisions of the Bill

  1. Applicability: Applies to all of India, including offshore platforms targeting Indian users.
  2. Promotion of E-Sports: Recognised as legitimate sport; guidelines by Ministry of Youth Affairs & Sports; incentives, training, research centres.
  3. Promotion of Social & Educational Games: Registration of safe, age-appropriate games; focus on skill-building, culture, education.
  4. Ban on Online Money Games: Complete prohibition on games involving stakes (chance/skill/mixed); advertising and transactions banned.
  5. Online Gaming Authority: National regulator to register/categorise games, issue guidelines, handle grievances.
  6. Strict Penalties:
    1. Offering money games → up to 3 years jail + ₹1 crore fine.
    2. Advertising → up to 2 years jail + ₹50 lakh fine.
    3. Repeat offences → up to 5 years jail + ₹2 crore fine.
  7. Corporate Liability: Company officers accountable; independent directors exempt if due diligence is shown.
  8. Powers of Enforcement: Search, seizure, and arrests without warrant under BNSS, 2023.

Complementary Measures Already in Place

  1. IT Act & Rules: Intermediaries must register; illegal platforms blocked (1,524 blocked between 2022–2025).
  2. Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023: Sections 111 & 112 criminalise unlawful betting/cyber fraud.
  3. IGST Act, 2017: Offshore suppliers must register; GST Intelligence empowered to block non-compliant platforms.
  4. Consumer Protection Act, 2019: CCPA cracks down on misleading ads and celebrity endorsements.
  5. Advisories: MoIB & Education Ministry issued guidelines on safe gaming practices.
  6. Cybercrime Portal & Helpline (1930): Citizens enabled to report fraud and financial scams.
  7. International Reference: WHO: Recognises gaming disorder in ICD classification – loss of control, neglect of daily activities, continuation despite harm.

PYQ Relevance:

[UPSC 2020] Recent amendments to the Right to Information Act will have profound impact on the autonomy and independence of the Information Commission. Discuss.

Linkage: Both the RTI Amendments (2020) and the Online Gaming Bill (2025) highlight rising executive control at the cost of autonomy and federal balance. In RTI, the independence of Information Commissions was weakened; in Gaming, sweeping central powers risk arbitrariness and undermine states’ jurisdiction. Both raise questions of transparency, proportionality, and constitutional freedoms, showing a trend of centralisation in governance.

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Waste Management – SWM Rules, EWM Rules, etc

How serious is the global plastic pollution crisis?

Introduction

Plastic—once hailed as a symbol of modern convenience—has now become a global menace. Its non-biodegradable nature, rising consumption, and weak waste management systems have led to an unprecedented ecological and socio-economic challenge. This year’s World Environment Day theme, Ending Plastic Pollution, reflects the international recognition of the crisis. The issue cuts across dimensions of environment, economy, health, governance, and ethics, making it a critical topic for civil services preparation.

Why is Plastic Pollution Making Headlines?

Plastic consumption and waste generation are reaching historic highs. In 2024 alone, 500 million tonnes of plastic were produced, generating 400 million tonnes of waste. The OECD projects that if current trends persist, plastic waste could almost triple to 1.2 billion tonnes by 2060. Such data marks a tipping point in human-environment relations. For the first time, experts warn that by mid-century there may be more plastic in the ocean than fish, a striking reversal of natural balance.

How Severe is the Plastic Pollution Crisis?

  1. Rising consumption: Plastics production doubled between 2000 and 2019, reaching 460 million tonnes.
  2. Waste surge: Global plastic waste touched 353 million tonnes in 2019, with packaging alone contributing 40%.
  3. Recycling failure: Only 9% of waste is recycled; 50% ends up in landfills, and 22% escapes into open environments.
  4. Oceanic threat: About 11 million tonnes enter oceans annually, adding to the estimated 200 million tonnes already present.
  5. Climate connection: Plastics contribute 3.4% of global GHG emissions and could consume 19% of the global carbon budget by 2040.

Why is Plastic Pollution So Difficult to Manage?

  1. Non-biodegradability: Plastics fragment into micro- and nano-particles, contaminating soil, water, and even human bloodstreams.
  2. Global spread: From Mount Everest to ocean trenches, no ecosystem is spared.
  3. Health risks: Microplastics pose risks to food chains, water safety, and respiratory and cardiovascular health.
  4. Economic burden: Poorer nations, with weak waste management, face disproportionate costs of uncontrolled plastic dumping.

What Global Remedies Are Being Proposed?

  1. Legally binding agreement: In 2022, all 193 UN member states pledged at UNEA-5 to negotiate an international treaty to end plastic pollution.
  2. UNEP target: Ambition to cut plastic waste by 80% in two decades through innovation, design, and recycling.
  3. Reduce single-use plastics: Phasing out unnecessary items made from petrochemical feedstock is urgent.
  4. Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR): Holding manufacturers accountable through deposit refunds, landfill taxes, and pay-as-you-throw systems.
  5. Recycling revolution: Currently, only 6% of plastics come from recycled sources. Scaling this up requires technology and market incentives.

What Role Do Individuals and Media Play?

  1. Greener alternatives: Shifting to traditional, reusable products and eco-friendly materials.
  2. Awareness campaigns: Media’s power in shaping consumer habits and pressuring governments is significant.
  3. Behavioural change: Collective reduction in consumption is as important as systemic reform.

Conclusion

Plastic pollution exemplifies the contradictions of modern development—where convenience has bred crisis. The data suggests humanity stands at a civilisational crossroads: either continue unsustainable consumption or pivot towards circular, sustainable economies. For India, with its population, coastline, and developmental challenges, the issue is not peripheral but central to environmental governance, climate action, and public health.

UPSC Relevance

[UPSC 2023] What is oil pollution? What are its impacts on the marine ecosystem? In what way is oil pollution particularly harmful for a country like India?

Linkage: Plastic and oil pollution are both marine pollutants of petrochemical origin, threatening biodiversity, fisheries, and coastal livelihoods. Like oil, plastics enter oceans in massive quantities (11 MT annually), fragmenting into microplastics that disrupt ecosystems. For India, with a long coastline and dependence on marine resources, the risks of livelihood loss, food insecurity, and ecological imbalance are particularly acute.

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Tribes in News

Property rights, tribals, and the gender parity gap

Introduction

Property ownership is not merely an economic question; it is fundamentally about power, dignity, and equality. For tribal women in India, exclusion from statutory inheritance rights has been one of the deepest forms of gender injustice. The Supreme Court’s July 2025 judgment striking down customary exclusions in tribal property rights represents both a historic corrective and a challenge: how to reconcile tribal customs with constitutional equality. The debate is timely, following International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples (August 9) and growing recognition of indigenous rights worldwide.

Why in the News

In Ram Charan and Ors. vs Sukhram and Ors. (July 17, 2025), the Supreme Court equated the exclusion of daughters from ancestral property in tribal communities with a violation of their fundamental right to equality. This is a landmark first, since earlier judgments such as Madhu Kishwar vs State of Bihar (1996) had refrained from striking down such customs. The judgment underscores the scale of injustice: as per the Agriculture Census 2015–16, only 16.7% of ST women own land compared to 83.3% of men. This ruling, therefore, marks a dramatic departure from precedent and could fundamentally reshape tribal women’s access to property, inheritance, and dignity.

Why are tribal women excluded from property rights?

  1. Customary laws: Tribals in Scheduled Areas follow customary laws on marriage, succession, and adoption, which largely exclude women from land inheritance.
  2. Economic contributions ignored: Despite tribal women contributing more to farms than men, they are legally excluded.
  3. Fear of land alienation: Communities argue that women marrying outside the tribe may lead to loss of tribal land to outsiders.
  4. Communitarian land ownership myth: Though land is termed “communitarian,” in practice, compensation from land sales rarely goes to gram sabhas; male members retain control.

How did the courts address this case?

  1. Trial and appellate courts: Initially dismissed the claim, holding that no Gond custom granted daughters property rights.
  2. High Court intervention: Rejected Hindu Succession Act application but granted equality, noting that denying women rights under “custom” entrenched discrimination.
  3. Supreme Court ruling: Declared exclusion of daughters unconstitutional, setting a precedent for gender justice in tribal inheritance.

What does the historical judicial background reveal?

  1. Madhu Kishwar (1996): SC upheld customary exclusions, citing possible chaos in existing law.
  2. Prabha Minz vs Martha Ekka (2022, Jharkhand HC): Recognized Oraon women’s inheritance rights, since defendants could not prove a valid exclusionary custom.
  3. Kamala Neti (2022, SC): Affirmed tribal women’s property rights in land acquisition compensation.

Why is codification or a new law necessary?

  1. Exclusion from Hindu Succession Act: Section 2(2) leaves tribal women outside its ambit.
  2. Proposal for Tribal Succession Act: A separate codified framework could balance equality with respect for indigenous identity.
  3. Precedent in Hindu & Christian laws: Their codification addressed similar issues of gender parity and succession, showing a workable model.

What makes this issue urgent and significant?

  1. Data on landholding: Only 16.7% ST women own land, highlighting systemic exclusion.
  2. Link to empowerment: Property rights directly determine women’s bargaining power, social security, and protection against violence.
  3. Constitutional mandate: Article 14 (equality), Article 15 (non-discrimination), and Article 21 (dignity) demand urgent correction.
  4. Global context: International Day of Indigenous Peoples (August 9) reaffirms focus on indigenous rights.

Conclusion

The Supreme Court’s July 2025 judgment marks a historic turning point in advancing gender justice for tribal women. Yet, lasting reform requires more than judicial intervention, it needs legislative codification, social sensitization, and integration of constitutional values into tribal governance frameworks. Recognizing tribal women as equal stakeholders in ancestral property is not just a matter of law, but of justice, dignity, and true nation-building.

Value Addition

Important Data & Reports

  1. Agriculture Census 2015–16: Only 16.7% of ST women own land vs. 83.3% of ST men.
  2. NITI Aayog Report on Women and Land (2020): Land ownership is key to reducing vulnerability and increasing empowerment.
  3. UNDP Gender Inequality Index (2023): India ranked 108/191, reflecting persistent gaps.
  4. FAO Report: Women with secure land rights invest more in family nutrition and education.

Judicial Landmarks on Tribal Women’s Property Rights

  1. Madhu Kishwar vs State of Bihar (1996):
    1. Petition challenged customary laws that excluded tribal women from inheritance.
    2. SC majority upheld exclusion, fearing “chaos” if customs were struck down.
    3. Significance: Reflected judicial conservatism, prioritizing customary law over equality.
  2. Prabha Minz vs Martha Ekka (2022, Jharkhand HC):
    1. Inheritance rights of Oraon tribal women upheld.
    2. Court said no proven custom showed continuous exclusion.
    3. Significance: Shift towards demanding evidentiary proof of discriminatory customs.
  3. Kamala Neti vs Special Land Acquisition Officer (2022, SC)
    1. Affirmed tribal women’s rights to compensation in land acquisition.
    2. Significance: Opened the door to gender equality in compensation and land rights.
  4. Ram Charan vs Sukhram (2025, SC):
    1. Landmark ruling equating exclusion of daughters in ancestral property to violation of fundamental right to equality.
    2. First time SC directly struck down discriminatory tribal custom.
    3. Significance: A watershed in gender-justice jurisprudence, aligning tribal customs with constitutional morality.

Committees & Commissions

  1. Xaxa Committee (2014): Noted that customary laws often disadvantage tribal women; recommended reforms.
  2. Law Commission of India (2008, 205th Report): Stressed codification of tribal customary laws to ensure women’s rights.

Schemes & Policies

  1. Forest Rights Act, 2006: Joint titles in land given to both spouses, but implementation remains skewed towards men.
  2. National Tribal Policy (Draft, 2006): Proposed codification of tribal laws and ensuring gender parity, but never fully adopted.
  3. Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao: Though focused on education, land inheritance could complement its goals.

International Conventions

  1. CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, 1979): India is a signatory, obligating reforms against gender-based discrimination.
  2. UNDRIP (United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, 2007): Recognizes indigenous women’s equal rights in land and property.

Analytical Enrichment

  1. Custom vs Constitutional Morality: As per Justice Chandrachud (Navtej Johar, 2018), customs must yield to constitutional morality when in conflict.
  2. Intersectionality: Tribal women face a double disadvantage: gender + tribal identity.
  3. Nation-building dimension: Empowering tribal women in land rights ensures inclusive growth, reduces poverty, and strengthens democratic justice.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2024] Despite comprehensive policies for equity and social justice, underprivileged sections are not yet getting the full benefits of affirmative action envisaged by the Constitution. Comment.

Linkage: This 2025 Supreme Court judgment on tribal women’s property rights directly illustrates the gap between constitutional promises of equality (Articles 14 & 15) and the reality of customary exclusions. Despite decades of affirmative action, only 16.7% of ST women own land, showing underutilization of protective policies. The case highlights how judicial intervention is now bridging the gap left by incomplete legislative and policy measures

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Promoting Science and Technology – Missions,Policies & Schemes

Trumps’ crackdown on science gives India a great opportunity

Introduction

Critical technologies are emerging as the new currency of global power. Yet India, despite ranking among the top five in 29 such domains, contributes only 2.5% of the world’s most highly cited papers and has just 2% of scientists in the global top 2% (Stanford–Elsevier). Meanwhile, China dominates 37 of 44 critical technologies (ASPI). A unique opening has now emerged: Donald Trump’s crackdown on US science funding has left many Indian-origin and global researchers stranded, while Europe and China are aggressively recruiting. India has announced large-scale mission-oriented funding for the first time in decades, but without a strategy to embed top-tier talent, the window may close.

Why is this in the news?

For the first time in decades, India faces a rare alignment of global and domestic factors: massive cuts in US federal science funding, visa restrictions, and declining tenure-track opportunities have created a glut of stranded researchers, while India has simultaneously launched the Anusandhan National Research Foundation and a ₹1 lakh crore R&D Innovation Fund. However, unless India builds mechanisms to absorb this talent as China did with its “Young Thousand Talents” programme  the opportunity will be lost. The stakes are enormous: missing this cohort could mean losing breakthroughs in semiconductors, quantum communication, synthetic biology, and propulsion for decades.

What is India’s current research imbalance?

  1. Low global presence: India accounts for only 2.5% of most cited papers and 2% of top researchers globally.
  2. China’s dominance: Controls 37 of 44 critical technologies, producing 4x more high-impact research than the US in advanced aircraft engines.
  3. Structural weakness: India ranks in the top five in 29 technologies but lacks the ecosystem for consistent breakthroughs.

Why does Trump’s crackdown matter for India?

  1. Massive US cuts: Trump has slashed 50%+ budgets of NSF and NASA.
  2. Bleak academic jobs: Only 15% of STEM PhDs in the US secure tenure-track jobs within 5 years (down from 25%).
  3. Visa restrictions: Many Indian-origin postdocs are stranded, creating a ready talent pool in critical technologies.

How are other countries responding?

  1. Europe’s push: The “Choose Europe for Science” initiative; Macron announced a €100 million France 2030 fund.
  2. China’s precedent: The Young Thousand Talents Program (2011–17) recruited 3,500 scientists, boosting China’s institutions to 8 of the top 10 in the Nature Index by 2024.

Why has India struggled to attract talent?

  1. Uncompetitive pay: Compensation not aligned with global benchmarks.
  2. Weak infrastructure: Lack of world-class labs and sustained grants.
  3. No clear pathways: Absence of long-term absorption and career progression.
  4. Fragmented recruitment: Not tied to mission-oriented streams, leading to scattered efforts.

What institutional reforms are proposed?

  1. Focused Research Organisations (FROs): Modeled on the India Urban Data Exchange at IISc.
  2. Target: Attract 500 top researchers in 5 years.
  3. Integration: Involve existing Indian academics via joint appointments, rotational leadership, and competitive entry.
  4. Public–private–academy model: FROs as Section 8 companies with 51% industry stake, ensuring long-term sustainability.
  5. Case study: IIT Delhi–DRDO’s milestone in quantum entanglement-based free-space secure communication (1 km) makes it a natural anchor for an FRO on quantum communication.

Conclusion

India cannot afford to miss this historic opportunity. With Trump’s cuts destabilising US science and Europe and China already acting, India must move beyond funding announcements to credible, permanent talent pathways. Focused Research Organisations, with industry participation and global integration, can build sovereign capabilities in critical domains. Delay would mean losing not just researchers, but also the future of India’s technological autonomy.

Value Addition

Data/Reports

  1. Stanford–Elsevier Citation Report (2024) → India accounts for only 2.5% of the most highly cited papers and has just 2% of scientists in the global top 2%, reflecting poor global presence.
  2. ASPI Tech Dominance Index → China dominates 37 of 44 critical technologies, showing how talent recruitment directly builds sovereign capability.
  3. NSF/NASA Budget Cuts (Trump Administration) → US federal science agencies face 50%+ cuts, creating a glut of displaced researchers — a historic opportunity for India.

Concepts

  1. Sovereign Capability → Building self-reliant strength in strategic domains (e.g., biotech, quantum communication) to reduce dependence on external powers.
  2. Mission-Oriented Research → Aligning R&D with national priorities like semiconductors, propulsion, synthetic biology, ensuring targeted breakthroughs rather than scattered efforts.
  3. Focused Research Organisations (FROs) → Permanent, Section 8 company–style entities with 51% industry stake, pooling government + private + academic resources to attract top scientists.

Comparative Models

  1. China’s Young Thousand Talents Programme (2011–17) → Attracted 3,500 early-career scientists, leading to China’s leap in research outputs (e.g., 8/10 top global institutions in Nature Index by 2024).
  2. Europe’s “Choose Europe for Science” Initiative → Macron announced a €100m France 2030 fund, signalling Europe’s urgency in talent recruitment post-US cuts.
  3. US Example → Despite strong universities, declining tenure-track jobs (from 25% → 15% in 20 years) and visa restrictions are pushing talent outward — India can tap this pool.

Schemes/Institutions (India)

  1. Anusandhan National Research Foundation (NRF) → India’s new umbrella funding agency for large-scale, mission-driven research.
  2. ₹1 Lakh Crore R&D Innovation Fund → First time in decades that India committed such large-scale funding to science, signalling intent to shift from incremental to transformational research.
  3. India Urban Data Exchange (IISc Model) → Early version of an FRO; shows how domain-specific research hubs can create national data/tech ecosystems.
  4. Ease of Doing Science Measures → Fast-tracked grants, simplified approvals, but missing element = talent attraction and long-term absorption pathways.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2021] What are the research and developmental achievements in applied biotechnology? How will these achievements help to uplift the poorer sections of society?

Linkage: India’s weak global research profile and failure to attract top talent have limited breakthroughs in applied biotechnology, despite its potential to revolutionise agriculture, health, and industry. The editorial stresses the need for mission-oriented research and Focused Research Organisations to ensure sovereign capability in biotech, much like China’s success in critical technologies. If harnessed effectively, such achievements can directly benefit the poorer sections by improving crop yields, affordable healthcare, and job creation.

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A Sense of Drift: Democracy at the Crossroads: Youth, Corruption and the New Global Malaise

Introduction

Democracy, once celebrated as the ultimate safeguard of freedom and governance, is witnessing profound crises across continents. Nepal’s weak institutions, France’s protest-prone presidentialism, and America’s violent polarisation reveal that democratic malaise is not confined to one geography. The recurring theme is stark: young people feel robbed of their future.

Why is democracy back in crisis?

  1. Recurring crises: Democracies appear to follow cycles of expansion (40–50 years) followed by exhaustion.
  2. Current triggers: Corruption in Nepal, unsustainable economic models in France, and violent political divisions in the US.
  3. Historical echoes: Similar crises were witnessed in the 1920s–30s and the 1960s–70s, culminating in debates such as the Trilateral Commission’s 1975 report on “The Crisis of Democracy.”

What role does youth disillusionment play?

  1. Stolen future: Across Nepal, France, and the US, young people feel alienated and betrayed.
  2. Lack of consensus: Youth anger does not translate into youth unity; it produces anxiety but not collective solutions.
  3. Gerontocracy problem: Democracies like India and the US are led largely by older generations, deepening generational divides.

How does inequality and polarisation fuel the malaise?

  1. Different consensus: Unlike the 1970s when “excess participation” was blamed, today growing inequality is seen as the root of discontent.
  2. Dual polarisation: A clash of values coupled with diametrically opposed economic visions — Left demanding more state investment, Right fearing socialist excess.
  3. Jobless growth: Declining employment elasticity of capital threatens to erode trust even in well-designed policies.

Why does corruption persist as a democratic fault line?

  1. Structural vs transactional corruption: Elites monopolising power versus ostentatious lifestyles of politicians.
  2. Anti-corruption paradox: Movements rarely eliminate corruption and often fuel authoritarian turns, seen in Nepal’s staggering levels of rent extraction.
  3. Authoritarian co-option: Anti-corruption rhetoric is used to justify illiberal governance.

What is the role of war and misinformation?

  1. Historical corrosion: Vietnam and Iraq wars eroded democratic legitimacy in the US.
  2. Current crises: Gaza conflict risks corroding Western liberal legitimacy.
  3. Misinformation cycle: Radical democratisation of information through social media has dissolved authority and deepened adversarial suspicion.

Can democracies reinvent themselves?

  1. Past reinventions: Post-1930s depression and 1970s crises were followed by new waves of democratisation.
  2. Paradox of protest: While protests mobilise energy, they often breed drift, violence, or nihilism.

Way Forward for Democracies

  1. Institutional Reinvention: Strengthen checks and balances through judicial independence, parliamentary accountability, and free media — preventing democratic backsliding.
  2. Inclusive Growth: Address structural inequality and jobless growth by creating policies focused on employment elasticity and equitable redistribution.
  3. Youth Participation: Channel youth disillusionment into institutionalised participation (youth parliaments, policy fellowships, digital consultative platforms).
  4. Taming Polarisation: Build broad-based social coalitions that transcend Left–Right economic divides and cultural polarisation.
  5. Responsible Information Order: Regulate misinformation while protecting freedom of speech; strengthen media literacy to combat nihilism fuelled by social media.
  6. Corruption Reform: Focus on structural corruption (elite monopolisation of power) rather than episodic “anti-corruption crusades” that risk authoritarian capture.
  7. Global Learning: Draw lessons from past crises (1930s, 1970s) where institutional reinvention, new social contracts, and reform waves revitalised democracy.

Value Addition

Samuel P. Huntington’s Views and Theory on Democracy

Political Order and Institutionalisation

  • Book: Political Order in Changing Societies (1968).
  • Core Argument: The stability of a political system depends more on the strength of its institutions than on the level of modernisation.
  • Key Point: Modernisation without strong institutions leads to instability (e.g., corruption, coups, unrest).
  • Quote: “The most important political distinction among countries is not their form of government but their degree of government.”

The Third Wave of Democratisation

  • Book: The Third Wave: Democratisation in the Late Twentieth Century (1991).
  • Theory: Democracies emerge in “waves,” each followed by a possible “reverse wave.”
    • First Wave (1828–1926): Expansion in Western countries.
    • First Reverse Wave (1922–1942): Rise of fascism, military regimes.
    • Second Wave (1945–1962): Post-WWII, decolonisation.
    • Second Reverse Wave (1960–1975): Coups in Latin America, Africa, Asia.
    • Third Wave (1974 onwards): Started with Portugal’s Carnation Revolution, followed by democratisation in Latin America, Eastern Europe, parts of Asia and Africa.

Key Factors for Third Wave:

  • Declining legitimacy of authoritarian regimes.
  • Economic growth and rising middle class.
  • Religious changes (e.g., Catholic Church’s role in Latin America).
  • Global democratic norms (influence of EU, US).
  • Snowballing effect” (success in one country inspired others).
  • Relevance: Many current democracies (including in Asia, Latin America, Eastern Europe) emerged in this wave

Clash of Civilisations (1993)

  • Book: The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order.
  • Argument: Post-Cold War conflicts would be driven not by ideology or economics, but by cultural and civilisational differences.
  • Link to Democracy: Democracies rooted in Western civilisation may clash with non-Western civilisations (Islamic, Sinic/Chinese).

Relevant Quotes on Democracy 

On Cycles and Fragility

  • John Adams: “Democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes, exhausts, and murders itself.”
  • Samuel Huntington: “Democracy is the only political system that is self-correcting.”

On Reinvention

  • Winston Churchill: “Democracy is the worst form of government — except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.”
  • Amartya Sen: “No famine has ever taken place in the history of the world in a functioning democracy.”

On Corruption and Morality

  • Mahatma Gandhi: “Corruption and hypocrisy ought not to be inevitable products of democracy, as they undoubtedly are today.”
  • Alexis de Tocqueville: “The health of a democratic society may be measured by the quality of functions performed by private citizens.”

On Youth and Future

  • Jawaharlal Nehru: “The future belongs to those who can give to the next generation reasons for hope.”
  • Kofi Annan: “Young people should be at the forefront of global change and innovation.”

How to Use in UPSC Answers

  • Quote John Adams or Huntington when talking about cycles of democracy.
  • Quote Gandhi or Amartya Sen when linking democracy with corruption or development outcomes.
  • Quote Churchill when emphasising democracy’s resilience despite flaws.

PYQ Relevance:

[UPSC 2023] Constitutionally guaranteed judicial independence is a prerequisite of democracy. Comment.

Linkage: The current crisis of democracy, as highlighted in Nepal, France, and the US, shows that without robust and independent institutions, democratic legitimacy erodes. Judicial independence acts as a bulwark against corruption, elite capture, and authoritarian drift. Thus, safeguarding constitutional autonomy of the judiciary is indispensable for reinvigorating democracy.

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Foreign Policy Watch: India-Pakistan

Looking at India-Pak ties through prism of Indus Waters Treaty

Introduction

For 65 years, the Indus Waters Treaty ensured the uninterrupted sharing of river waters between India and Pakistan despite wars and conflicts. Signed in 1960, with the World Bank as broker, it granted Pakistan control over nearly 80% of the Indus system waters while India retained rights over the eastern rivers. Yet, this arrangement, hailed by Nehru as a “gesture of peace,” was also criticized as appeasement. Today, the Treaty faces an existential challenge, as India, for the first time, suspends its obligations in response to cross-border terrorism. A fresh evaluation of the IWT reveals that Pakistan’s real concern is not water scarcity but the control of flows, a factor deeply tied to its obsession with Kashmir.

Why in the News

India, after decades of restraint, has finally exercised its strategic upper riparian advantage by suspending the Indus Waters Treaty following the April Pahalgam terror attack. This is a watershed moment: for the first time in 65 years, the Treaty, which survived four wars, terror attacks, and political turmoil, has been placed in abeyance. The move underscores a shift from India’s earlier magnanimity to a more assertive posture. It is significant because it challenges one of the few stable frameworks of India–Pakistan relations and introduces water as a core strategic lever, alongside terrorism and Kashmir.

Why was the Indus Waters Treaty so Significant?

  1. Historic endurance: The Treaty survived four wars, repeated terror attacks, and decades of hostility.
  2. Unique distribution: Pakistan received 80% of Indus waters (western rivers) despite being the lower riparian.
  3. Nehru’s vision: Seen as a stabilizing act of peace, prioritizing development over disputes.
  4. Pakistan’s insecurity: Never fully celebrated, fearing India’s control as upper riparian.

How Do India and Pakistan Perceive the Treaty Differently?

  1. India’s approach: Saw the Treaty as magnanimity; Nehru called it a “purchase of peace.”
  2. Criticism of India: S Jaishankar terms it appeasement, not peace.
  3. Pakistan’s strategy: Used Article IX dispute mechanism to obstruct Indian projects in J&K.
  4. Silent dissatisfaction: Despite receiving 80% waters, Pakistan avoided declaring victory to maintain a narrative of victimhood.

What Drives Pakistan’s Deep Insecurity?

  1. Not water, but control: Pakistan’s fear lies in disruption of flows, not absolute shortage.
  2. Kashmir link: To control rivers, Pakistan desires physical control of J&K.
  3. Historic evidence: Gen Ayub Khan soon after the Treaty linked water insecurity with demand for Kashmir.
  4. Perverse use of IWT: Constant attempts to delay Indian projects in J&K despite India’s limited use of western rivers.

Why Did the Treaty Survive for So Long?

  1. India’s responsibility: As the upper riparian, India ensured minimum flows and shared data.
  2. Asymmetry of burden: Pakistan had little responsibility upstream but leveraged dispute clauses downstream.
  3. Counterfactual concern: Survival of Treaty is doubtful if Pakistan had been upper riparian.
  4. Symbol of stability: Often cited globally as a model of cooperative water-sharing.

What Could the Future Hold for the IWT?

  1. Pakistan’s likely strategy: Stonewall renegotiations, fearing worse outcomes.
  2. India’s new stance: Seeks bilateral renegotiation without World Bank involvement.
  3. Regional dimension: Pakistan may attempt to involve China (8% basin) and Afghanistan (6% basin).
  4. Strategic uncertainty: India may not disrupt flows but could introduce uncertainty, forcing Pakistan to rethink its terror policy.
  5. J&K projects: India likely to push through delayed hydro and irrigation projects without Pakistani consent.

Conclusion

The IWT, once a symbol of cooperation, now mirrors the fault lines of India–Pakistan relations. For decades, India upheld its obligations even at strategic cost. But by suspending the Treaty, India has signaled that goodwill cannot be one-sided, especially in the face of relentless terrorism. Water, development, security, and Kashmir are now deeply intertwined. The Indus basin, instead of being a bridge, risks becoming another battlefield in South Asia’s fraught geopolitics.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2015] Terrorist activities and mutual distrust have clouded India–Pakistan relations. To what extent the use of soft power like sports and cultural exchanges could help generate goodwill between the two countries? Discuss with suitable examples.

Linkage: The Indus Waters Treaty itself was long considered a form of institutionalized soft power, surviving wars and terror. However, its suspension after the Pahalgam attack highlights how terrorism erodes even cooperative mechanisms. Just as cultural exchanges aim to build goodwill, water-sharing too depended on mutual trust — and both reveal how soft power collapses when hostility dominates.

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Internal Security Architecture Shortcomings – Key Forces, NIA, IB, CCTNS, etc.

To build Roads is to build peace: Developmet in tribal hinterlands affected by Maoist Insurgency

Introduction

Roads in India’s Maoist-affected areas are more than physical infrastructure; they are symbols of the state itself. For communities long governed by neglect or non-state actors, the arrival of a road often marks the first visible sign of governance. Research and field evidence indicate that road development improves access to electricity, healthcare, education, and security while simultaneously displacing the influence of insurgents. Yet, roads alone cannot resolve conflict—they must be embedded in an ecosystem of justice, dignity, and inclusion.

Why is this in the news?

In regions affected by Maoist insurgency, particularly in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and Odisha, roads have emerged as a strategic instrument of peacebuilding. Recent studies (Jain & Biswas, 2023) show a correlation between road connectivity and reduced crime, while international evidence (Prieto-Curiel & Menezes, 2020) highlights how poor connectivity perpetuates violence globally. This marks a shift in governance strategy, from viewing infrastructure as purely developmental to recognizing it as a political and stabilising force.

How do roads reclaim governance from insurgents?

  1. Governance presence: Roads bring schools, clinics, and police stations, representing visible and accountable state authority.
  2. Displacement of parallel systems: Maoists often establish informal courts, taxation systems, and welfare activities in remote areas. Roads weaken these structures by enabling the state to reclaim legitimacy.
  3. Diego Gambetta’s insight: Like the Sicilian Mafia, insurgents thrive where the state withdraws. Infrastructure fills the governance vacuum.

What role do insurgent groups play in governance gaps?

  1. Informal welfare: Research by Alpa Shah (2018) and Human Rights Watch (2009) shows Maoists provide rudimentary health and welfare services in villages.
  2. Strategic legitimacy: As Zachariah Mampilly (2011) argues, such services are not altruistic but intended to gain legitimacy.
  3. Coercion with care: Maoist medical aid or welfare is tied to fear and control, not democratic accountability.

Why are extralegal institutions problematic?

  1. Absence of safeguards: Maoist-run “jan adalats” often issue punishments, even executions, without due process.
  2. Opaque justice: Decisions reflect entrenched hierarchies, patriarchy, and mob reprisals rather than rule of law.
  3. Comparison with khap panchayats: Like insurgent institutions, caste councils also deliver swift but exclusionary justice outside constitutional norms.

How do roads act as political infrastructure?

  1. Symbolic presence: Each road signals that “the state is here to stay,” as seen in Chhattisgarh under B.V.R. Subrahmanyam’s governance strategy.
  2. Crime reduction: Jain and Biswas (2023) show connectivity lowers rural crime rates.
  3. Global parallels: Prieto-Curiel & Menezes (2020) demonstrate that poor connectivity correlates with higher violence across contexts.

What safeguards are essential for success?

  1. Justice mechanisms: Roads must be accompanied by functioning courts and legal institutions to prevent arbitrary authority.
  2. Healthcare and welfare: Clinics, schools, and social infrastructure ensure that development is inclusive.
  3. Community participation: Roads must be built with the village, not just through the village, to ensure legitimacy and trust.

Conclusion

Roads in conflict-prone tribal regions represent more than mobility, they embody the arrival of governance and the possibility of peace. Yet, infrastructure without justice risks becoming a symbol of control rather than inclusion. For lasting impact, roads must be accompanied by democratic institutions, safeguards, and rights-based governance. To build roads, then, is indeed to build peace.

Value Addition

Naxalism: Definition & Origins

  • Definition: Left-Wing Extremism (LWE); armed, rural-based movement rooted in land alienation, poverty, displacement, forest rights, and state neglect.
  • Origins: Began with the 1967 Naxalbari peasant uprising in West Bengal; later consolidated under CPI (Maoist) formations.
  • Areas Most Affected — Historical Peak (late 2000s)
    • Spread: Nearly 180 districts across multiple states — the so-called Red Corridor.
    • Core states: Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh/Telangana, parts of Maharashtra & Madhya Pradesh.
  • Areas Most Affected — Recent (2024–25)
    • Reduced footprint: Down to ~38 districts (2024); further shrinking per 2025 statements.
    • Residual hotspots: Bastar (Chhattisgarh), Gadchiroli (Maharashtra), parts of Jharkhand & Odisha, and Chhattisgarh–Telangana border.
  • Why This Shift Matters 
    • Then: Widespread insurgency → blanket rural development response.
    • Now: Concentrated in forested pockets → targeted counter-insurgency + development (roads, police camps, rehabilitation).

What is Operation Black Forest?

  • What / where / when: Operation Black Forest (also reported as Operation Kagar in some outlets) was a focused anti-Maoist offensive launched along the Chhattisgarh–Telangana border in April–May 2025 targeting PLGA (People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army) units in hilly forest belts such as the Kareguttalu/Karegutta hills. 
  • Claimed outcomes (official account): The government/security forces announced significant results — arrests, large recoveries of IEDs, explosives and weapons and the neutralisation (killed/captured) of several Maoists; the Home Minister hailed the operation as a major success and linked it to the government’s goal of a “Naxal-free India.’’

India’s Current Strategy Against Naxalism

  • Security operations & coordination – Intensified offensives (e.g., Operation Black Forest), joint CRPF/state police actions, inter-state Unified Commands.
  • Connectivity first – Roads → schools → clinics → police camps; infrastructure as the entry point of governance.
  • Surrender & rehabilitation – Incentives for cadres to lay down arms, with livelihood and legal reintegration support.
  • Technology & intelligence – Use of UAVs, better signal interception, geolocation, and joint intel sharing.
  • Development & governance – Focus on PESA, land and forest rights, MGNREGA, social welfare schemes to address grievances.
  • Exam angle: India uses a mix of “hard” (security, tech) and “soft” (development, rights, rehab) measures — success lies in balancing both.

Way Forward (Practical + Scholarly Insights)

  • Consolidate gains, avoid militarised development – Pair operations with public-goods delivery to build trust.
  • Rights-based development – Implement PESA/FRA in spirit; ensure Gram Sabha consent and agency.
  • Build accountable institutions – Mobile courts, health camps, schools, and police with transparency; replace jan adalats with constitutional justice.
  • Credible rehabilitation – Beyond cash payouts, provide skills, jobs, and long-term livelihood security.
  • Address political economy – Regulate mining/plantation projects; enforce benefit-sharing and consent to prevent discontent.
  • Theoretical insightsGambetta: extralegal actors thrive in governance vacuums → fill with state services. Mampilly: insurgent welfare is strategic → counter with accountable service delivery.
  • Human rights monitoring – Independent oversight of security and development efforts to ensure legitimacy.
  • One-liner synthesis for mains: Operational successes show improved reach, but a true “Naxal-free” India requires roads + rights + jobs anchored in constitutional justice and inclusive governance.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2022] Naxalism is a social, economic and development issues manifesting as a violent internal security threat. In this context, discuss the emerging issues and suggest a multilayered strategy to tackle the menace of Naxalism.

Linkage: The article shows how roads act as instruments of governance, reducing isolation and weakening insurgent legitimacy, thereby addressing the socio-economic roots of Naxalism. Yet, it cautions that infrastructure alone cannot resolve conflict unless coupled with justice, healthcare, education, and community participation. This aligns with the PYQ’s call for a multi-layered strategy—combining development, security, and rights-based governance.

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Foreign Policy Watch: India-SCO

A joint and new journey along the SCO pathway

Introduction

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), now the largest regional grouping after 24 years of evolution, witnessed its biggest summit in Tianjin with 23 countries and 10 international organisations participating. The presence of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping signalled a possible recalibration of bilateral ties amid a tense global order. This summit was not only about regional security but also about shaping global governance, fostering sustainable development, and exploring new pathways of cooperation.

Why in the News

The Tianjin SCO Summit is in the news because it marked the largest gathering in SCO’s history and produced high-yielding outcomes, such as the creation of security centres, a development bank, and long-term strategies in energy, green industry, and digital economy. Importantly, India and China engaged in dialogue during the diamond jubilee year of China-India diplomatic ties, projecting partnership rather than rivalry. This reflects a striking shift from the border tensions that have dominated headlines in recent years, positioning the summit as a turning point in regional cooperation and global governance.

High-Yield Outcomes of the Tianjin Summit

  1. Tianjin Declaration: Announced creation of four security centres, including an Anti-drug Center and a Universal Countering Security Challenges Center.
  2. SCO Development Bank: Decision to set up a regional bank to finance cooperative projects.
  3. Fair Stance on Trade: SCO states collectively defended multilateral trading systems and WWII legacy.
  4. 10-Year Strategy: Leaders adopted a development strategy for the next decade.
  5. China’s Initiatives: Xi announced three platforms for energy, green industry, and digital economy; and three centres for innovation, higher education, and vocational training.

How the Summit Shaped Global Governance

  1. Global Governance Initiative: Xi proposed principles such as sovereign equality, international rule of law, and multilateralism.
  2. People-Centered Approach: Emphasis on real actions for peace and justice.
  3. Leadership Platform: SCO positioned as a space to counter the “governance deficit” in world politics.

India’s Role in the SCO

  1. Active Member since 2017: India has advanced SCO’s development agenda.
  2. Support for Presidency: India extended full support to China’s SCO presidency.
  3. Areas of Cooperation: Security, energy, green industry, and digital economy identified as convergence points.

75 Years of India-China Ties

  1. Anniversary Diplomacy: Modi and Xi stressed partnership over rivalry.
  2. Dragon and Elephant Metaphor: Xi urged for “dragon and elephant to dance together.”
  3. Consensus vs Disagreement: Leaders agreed that consensus outweighs differences.

Road Ahead for Bilateral Cooperation

  1. Strategic Mutual Trust: Resume dialogue mechanisms, embrace peaceful coexistence, and mutual respect.
  2. Expanding Exchanges: Focus on trade, investment, technology, culture, and people-to-people bonds.
  3. Good-Neighbourliness: Reinforce Panchsheel principles, keep border differences from overshadowing wider relations.
  4. Global South Leadership: India and China to lead BRICS presidencies, resist hegemony, and promote fairness in world order.

Conclusion

The Tianjin Summit reflects a recalibration of SCO’s role as a platform for regional stability and global governance. For India, it marks a moment of balancing rivalry with cooperation in ties with China. If trust and exchanges are consolidated, India-China relations can shape the future of Asia and the Global South. The challenge lies in ensuring border disputes do not overshadow wider opportunities.

Value Addition

Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) 

  • Establishment: Permanent intergovernmental organisation founded on 15 June 2001 in Shanghai by China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan. Predecessor: Shanghai Five (1996).
  • Charter: Adopted in 2002 (St. Petersburg), in force since 2003, laying down goals, principles, and structure.
  • Goals:
    • Strengthen trust, friendship, good-neighbourliness.
    • Promote cooperation in politics, economy, science, culture, education, energy, environment, etc.
    • Maintain peace, security, stability in the region.
    • Promote a fair, democratic international order.
  • Principles (Shanghai Spirit): Mutual trust, benefit, equality, consultation, respect for civilizational diversity, common development; externally—non-alignment, openness, non-targeting others.
  • Structure:
    • Council of Heads of State (CHS) – supreme body (annual).
    • Council of Heads of Government (CHG) – economic strategy, budget (annual).
    • Numerous sectoral mechanisms.
  • Permanent Bodies: Secretariat (Beijing) & Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS, Tashkent).
  • Membership:
    • 10 Members – India, China, Russia, Pakistan, Iran, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan.
    • 2 Observers – Afghanistan, Mongolia.
    • 14 Dialogue Partners – incl. Nepal, Sri Lanka, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt, Qatar, Maldives, etc.

Key Takeaways from SCO Summit 2025

  • 24 Documents Approved – including Tianjin Declaration and SCO Development Strategy till 2035.
  • Security Cooperation – agreement on SCO Anti-Drug Center and Universal Center for Countering Challenges & Threats.
  • Counter-Terrorism – joint declaration condemned Pahalgam (India), Jaffer Express & Khuzdar (Pakistan) terrorist attacks – significant as Pahalgam was earlier omitted.
  • Membership Expansion – Lao PDR granted Dialogue Partner status; CIS given Observer status.
  • Cultural Capital – Cholpon-Ata (Kyrgyzstan) designated SCO Tourist & Cultural Capital (2025–26).
  • Civilisation Dialogue Forum – proposed by PM Modi to strengthen people-to-people ties & civilizational exchange.
  • Global Governance Initiative – proposed by Xi Jinping for multilateralism, just & equitable order, Global South leadership.
  • SCO Chairmanship – passed to Kyrgyz Republic (2025–26) with theme: “25 years of SCO: together for a stable world, development, prosperity.”

What SCO Means for India’s Global and Regional Interests

  1. Strategic Pillars – PM Modi outlined India’s SCO vision as S–Security, C–Connectivity, O–Opportunity.
  2. Central Asia Engagement – SCO provides a rare forum to deepen ties with resource-rich Central Asia and expand India’s role as a pan-Asian player beyond the South Asian paradigm.
  3. Counter-Terrorism – Access to the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) helps India with intelligence-sharing against the “three evils” (terrorism, separatism, extremism), beyond Pakistan-centric frameworks.
  4. India–Russia Cooperation – SCO strengthens Delhi’s strategic proximity with Moscow, which backed India’s full membership in 2016.
  5. Balancing China – India’s presence acts as a countervailing force to Chinese dominance in Eurasia, supported by Russia.
  6. BRI Opposition – India continues to reject the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as it passes through Pakistan-occupied territory, asserting sovereignty concerns.
  7. Diplomatic Battlefield – While enabling multilateral engagement, SCO also reflects great-power rivalries, making it both an opportunity and a challenge for India.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2023] ‘Virus of Conflict is affecting the functioning of the SCO.’ In the light of the above statement, point out the role of India in mitigating the problems.

Linkage: The SCO faces internal strains due to rivalries among major members, including China-Pakistan ties and regional security tensions. India has sought to mitigate these by emphasizing its three-pillared approach of Security, Connectivity, and Opportunity, pushing for counter-terrorism cooperation through RATS, and resisting divisive projects like BRI while promoting dialogue, civilizational exchange, and balanced economic engagement. Thus, India positions itself as a stabilizing force to preserve SCO’s collective agenda despite conflicts.

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Aadhaar Card Issues

Decisive step (Including Aadhar as 12th document for voter verification)

Introduction

The right to vote is one of the most fundamental expressions of citizenship in a democracy. However, procedural rigidity in electoral roll revisions often results in the exclusion of genuine electors. Recently, the Supreme Court intervened decisively in Bihar’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise, directing the inclusion of Aadhaar as one of the 12 valid documents for voter verification. With over 65 lakh voters already struck off from Bihar’s draft rolls, this judgment is a crucial corrective step ensuring that the processes of democracy do not become instruments of exclusion.

Significance of the Supreme Court’s Decision

  1. Judicial clarity: The Supreme Court dismantled the ECI’s argument that Aadhaar is proof of residency, not citizenship, by highlighting that most other accepted documents (e.g., ration card, driving license) also do not conclusively establish citizenship.
  2. Preventing mass exclusion: With nearly 90% of Bihar’s population holding Aadhaar versus only 2% holding passports, excluding Aadhaar would have disenfranchised a vast number of eligible voters, especially the poor and marginalised.
  3. Correcting anomalies: The Hindu’s statistical analysis of the exclusion revealed disproportionate impacts and that women were removed in large numbers, death rates appeared statistically improbable, and questionable “permanent shifts” particularly affected migrants and married women.

Implications of the Judgment for Voter Inclusivity

  1. Lifeline for excluded electors: Over 65 lakh voters struck off the draft rolls now have a viable route back through Aadhaar verification.
  2. Support for existing electors: Even those already on the rolls needing document verification benefit from Aadhaar’s inclusion.
  3. Validation of civil society concerns: The Court’s order vindicates activists and political groups who warned that excluding Aadhaar contradicted earlier judicial guidance and created practical hurdles.

Challenges Exposed in the Election Commission’s Process

  1. Questionable reasoning: The ECI insisted Aadhaar was inadmissible, despite its wide acceptance in governance systems.
  2. Haste over accuracy: The rushed SIR process compromised diligence, undermining the credibility of voter rolls.
  3. Patterns of exclusion: Disproportionate impact on marginalised groups like migrant workers and married women reveals systemic flaws.

National Precedent Established by the Ruling

  1. Uniform standards: This ruling is not limited to Bihar but extends to future electoral revisions across India.
  2. Balance between accuracy and inclusivity: It forces the ECI to reorient its approach towards humane, diligent verification.
  3. Strengthening democracy: Electoral rolls form the foundation of free and fair elections; inclusivity ensures democratic legitimacy.

Future Expectations from the Election Commission of India

  1. House-to-house verification: A more thorough, grassroots-level approach to ensure accuracy.
  2. Inclusive procedures: Processes must prevent the disenfranchisement of genuine voters, especially the vulnerable.
  3. Aligning with practical realities: Aadhaar, as the most widely held identity document, should be part of India’s democratic processes.

Way Forward

  • Strengthening Verification Mechanisms
    1. Conduct comprehensive house-to-house verification to avoid wrongful deletions.
    2. Use technology-enabled checks (biometric authentication with Aadhaar, but with strong safeguards for privacy).
  • Ensuring Inclusivity
    1. Simplify documentation requirements for vulnerable groups (migrants, women, senior citizens).
    2. Provide doorstep assistance for voter registration in rural and marginalised areas.
  • Institutional Strengthening of ECI
    1. Enhance independence, transparency, and accountability of the Election Commission.
    2. Establish an independent audit mechanism to regularly review voter roll revisions.
  • Legal and Policy Reforms
    1. Consider amendments to the Representation of People Act to clarify permissible use of Aadhaar and protect against misuse.
    2. Align electoral processes with Supreme Court jurisprudence on Aadhaar to balance convenience with rights.
  • Public Awareness and Participation
    1. Encourage civil society participation in monitoring electoral rolls.
    2. Launch mass awareness campaigns to educate voters on their rights and available documentation.
  • Long-Term Electoral Reform Agenda
    1. Explore remote voting mechanisms for migrant workers.
    2. Move towards integrated digital electoral rolls across states for consistency.
    3. Institutionalise regular, transparent consultations between ECI, political parties, and judiciary.

Conclusion

The Supreme Court’s directive to include Aadhaar in voter verification is more than a legal clarification; it is a democratic safeguard. By preventing procedural exclusion and ensuring accessibility, the judgment reaffirms India’s commitment to universal suffrage. For the ECI, the challenge now lies in balancing diligence with inclusivity, creating an electoral roll that truly reflects India’s diverse citizenry.

Value Addition

Constitutional & Legal Dimensions:

  • Article 326: Guarantees universal adult suffrage, forming the foundation of electoral democracy.
  • Article 14 & 21: Ensure equality and due process — mass exclusion from voter rolls would violate these.
  • Representation of People Act, 1951: Governs electoral rolls, voter eligibility, and disqualification.

Case Laws:

  1. PUCL v. Union of India (2003) – Recognised “right to know” of voters.
  2. Kuldip Nayar v. Union of India (2006) – Stressed on the principle of electoral integrity.
  3. Supreme Court Aadhaar Judgments (2018) – Aadhaar can be used for welfare and verification, but cannot be made mandatory for all purposes.

Committees & Reports:

  1. Indrajit Gupta Committee (1998): Highlighted need for free and fair elections as cornerstone of democracy.
  2. Second Administrative Reforms Commission (2008): Stressed inclusivity and transparency in voter registration.
  3. Law Commission of India (255th Report, 2015): Recommended linkage of voter databases with Aadhaar for accuracy, subject to safeguards.

Democratic Governance & Inclusivity:

  1. Inclusivity vs. Accuracy: Electoral reforms must balance weeding out bogus voters with preventing disenfranchisement of genuine citizens.
  2. Marginalised Communities: Migrants, women, and the poor are disproportionately affected by procedural rigidity — their access must be prioritised.

Comparative Insight:

  1. USA: Struggles with strict voter ID laws that disproportionately affect minorities.
  2. Canada: Allows multiple identification options to avoid disenfranchisement.
  3. India’s Aadhaar: A unique digital identity tool with near-universal coverage (~90%), giving India an advantage in inclusive electoral reforms.

Ethical Perspective (GS 4 angle)

  1. Principle of Justice: Fair opportunity for every citizen to vote.
  2. Procedural Fairness: Electoral rules must not arbitrarily exclude individuals.
  3. Democratic Accountability: ECI must uphold public trust by ensuring inclusivity in its procedures.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2017] To enhance the quality of democracy in India the Election Commission of India has proposed electoral reforms in 2016. What are the suggested reforms and how far are they significant to make democracy successful?

Linkage: The Supreme Court’s directive on including Aadhaar as a valid voter verification document directly relates to the broader debate on electoral reforms. Just as the ECI’s 2016 reform proposals sought to strengthen inclusivity and transparency, this judgment ensures that procedural rigidity does not erode democratic participation. Both highlight the evolving role of the ECI in balancing accuracy, accessibility, and fairness in India’s electoral process.

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Foreign Policy Watch: India-Nepal

Why is Kathmandu Burning

Introduction

On September 8–9, 2025, Nepal plunged into chaos as protests led by Generation Z escalated into violent clashes with security forces. What began as outrage against corruption and a controversial ban on 26 social media platforms quickly spiraled into a mass uprising that engulfed Kathmandu in flames. Former Prime Ministers’ homes were torched, ministers stripped and paraded, and jails broken open. With PM K P Sharma Oli’s resignation and President Ram Chandra Poudel in hiding, the nation faced a constitutional vacuum, raising concerns about the Army’s role and India’s strategic interests. This is the first major political uprising in Nepal led entirely by Gen Z — teenagers and youth born between 1996–2012. Unlike the Maoist insurgency of the past, this revolt was spontaneous, digitally mobilized, and directed against all senior political leaders.

Generation Z and the Rise of Political Discontent

  1. Generation Z Mobilisation: The uprising was driven by youth anger at corruption, lack of jobs, and entrenched political elites since 2008.
  2. Digital Trigger: Outrage exploded after the government banned 26 social media platforms (Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, YouTube, X, etc.), cutting off their main channel of solidarity.
  3. Symbolic Rage: Anger was also directed at “Nepo Kids” — the privileged lifestyles of politicians’ children.
  4. Immediate Demands: Reinstatement of social media (achieved), broader demand for accountability and jobs.

The Escalation of Protests into Violence

  1. State Response: Security forces fired on protesters, killing 19 young people, triggering mass fury.
  2. Attack on Leaders: Houses of five former Prime Ministers were torched (Oli, Prachanda, Madhav Kumar Nepal, Jhala Nath Khanal, Sher Bahadur Deuba).
  3. Fatalities: Rajyalaxmi Chitrakar (wife of ex-PM Khanal) died from burns; former PM Deuba and his wife (Foreign Minister Arzu Deuba) were assaulted.
  4. Dramatic Incidents: Protesters freed Rabi Lamichhane, a jailed critic of Oli, by burning Nakkhu Jail.
  5. Humiliation of Ministers: Finance Minister Bishnu Prasad Paudel and MP Eknath Dhakal were stripped and paraded.

Leadership Vacuum and Constitutional Crisis

  1. PM’s Resignation: K P Sharma Oli resigned; President Poudel went into hiding.
  2. Army’s Stance: Army Chief Gen. Ashok Raj Sigdel urged calm, took charge of security, but avoided assuming political power.
  3. Possibility of Interim Government: Likely after negotiations with figures like Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah, a Gen Z icon.
  4. Constitutional Crisis: Possibility of Parliament dissolution and collapse of 2015 Constitution.

The Expanding Role of the Nepal Army

  1. Security Role: The Army has assumed charge of law and order.
  2. Political Caution: Unlike in past coups, the Army seems hesitant to directly seize political power.
  3. Facilitator Role: Likely to mediate between political leaders, ensure reconciliation, and protect civilian lives.

Opposition in Disarray Amidst Youth Revolt

  1. Targeted Equally: All senior leaders, across party lines, faced wrath of protesters.
  2. Rising Leaders: Balen Shah (Mayor of Kathmandu, ex-rapper) and Rabi Lamichhane (RSP leader, ex-TV anchor) emerged as youth-backed alternatives.
  3. Monarchy Revival?: Former King Gyanendra Shah offered condolences, appealed for dialogue, subtly signaling a willingness to return to relevance.

India’s Strategic Concerns Amidst Nepal’s Crisis

  1. Strategic Concern: India is deeply worried, given historical ties, open border, and Nepali diaspora in India.
  2. Delicate Position: India is seen as partisan since it backed Maoists and republicanism in 2008.
  3. Official Statement: PM Narendra Modi chaired the CCS meeting, stressing “stability, peace, and prosperity of Nepal” as vital for India.

Conclusion

Nepal’s Gen Z uprising marks the collapse of public trust in traditional politics and signals a generational shift. The combination of digital mobilization, corruption fatigue, and joblessness has produced an explosion that could reshape Nepal’s political order. For India, the crisis is both a challenge and an opportunity, a chance to rebuild goodwill through balanced diplomacy, while avoiding the mistakes of the past. The coming weeks will determine whether Nepal stabilizes through reconciliation or descends into prolonged instability.

Value Addition

Similarities between the recent Nepal Gen Z uprising (2025) and the Bangladesh student–youth revolution (July 2024) that toppled Sheikh Hasina’s government

  • Youth at the Centre
    1. Nepal: Led by Gen Z (born 1996–2012), angry at corruption, nepotism, and joblessness.
    2. Bangladesh: Led by students and young professionals, who launched protests against the quota system in government jobs, symbolising a deeper anger at authoritarianism.
    3. Similarity: In both, young people with no political baggage spearheaded the movement, showing a generational rejection of “old guard” politics.
  • Trigger through State Suppression
    1. Nepal: Anger exploded after government banned 26 social media platforms, silencing digital expression. Police firing killed 19 protesters, escalating violence.
    2. Bangladesh: Crackdowns on student protests with police brutality, tear gas, and arrests deepened the rage, leading to street battles.
    3. Similarity: In both cases, excessive state repression transformed peaceful protests into mass uprisings.
  • Anti-Elite and Anti-Nepotism Sentiment
    1. Nepal: Rage directed at “Nepo Kids”, children of politicians flaunting wealth and privilege.
    2. Bangladesh: Rage at the dynastic, 15-year-long rule of Sheikh Hasina, seen as nepotistic and authoritarian.
    3. Similarity: Both were anti-nepotism revolts, targeting corruption and political entrenchment.
  • Use of Digital Platforms for Mobilisation
    1. Nepal: Movement grew around Facebook pages like Next Generation Nepal, until banned.
    2. Bangladesh: Students used Facebook, X, and YouTube to coordinate protests, live-stream crackdowns, and rally global support.
    3. Similarity: Social media was the fuel of mobilisation, and attempts to suppress it only intensified anger.
  • Collapse of Established Order
    1. Nepal: PM K P Sharma Oli resigned, President went into hiding, houses of former PMs burned, Parliament dysfunctional.
    2. Bangladesh: PM Sheikh Hasina fled the country, Awami League leaders attacked, and Parliament dissolved.
    3. Similarity: Both witnessed a sudden collapse of political order, with leadership vacuum and uncertainty about interim arrangements.
  • Regional & International Concerns
    1. Nepal: India held a CCS meeting, worried about instability on its borders; China also watching closely.
    2. Bangladesh: India was concerned due to historic ties with Hasina, while the West pushed for democratic restoration.
    3. Similarity: In both, India was caught in a delicate diplomatic dilemma — balancing neutrality while protecting its strategic interests.

Conclusion

Both revolutions represent a South Asian pattern of youth-led, anti-elite uprisings, where corruption, joblessness, authoritarianism, and digital repression pushed Gen Z to revolt. They show that in fragile democracies, youth disillusionment can quickly destabilize entrenched regimes. For India, these crises in its immediate neighbourhood are warnings: political stability next door is fragile, and managing relations requires delicate, balanced diplomacy.

Value Addition (II)

  • Comparative Lens: Similar to Arab Spring (2011) — youth-led, social media-driven protests.
  • Theory: Youth Bulge Hypothesis — large unemployed youth populations often drive political instability.
  • Reports: UNDP South Asia Human Development Report highlights youth aspirations and governance deficits.
  • Ethics (GS4): Crisis of legitimacy in governance when corruption and inequality erode public trust.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2012] Discuss the contentious issues that have caused the prolonged

constitutional logjam in Nepal.

Linkage: The 2012 question on Nepal’s constitutional logjam highlighted elite disputes over federalism and governance. The 2025 Gen Z uprising reflects how these unresolved issues have now spilled onto the streets, creating a constitutional vacuum. What was once a parliamentary deadlock has transformed into a popular revolt against the entire political class, deepening Nepal’s democratic fragility.

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Women empowerment issues – Jobs,Reservation and education

The ‘domestic sphere’ in a new India

Introduction

Women in India continue to bear a disproportionate burden within the “domestic sphere,” both through unpaid household labour and through systemic silence around violence inside the home. Even as the government projects slogans like “nari shakti” and “women-led development,” the stark realities of dowry deaths, marital rape, unequal division of work, and undervaluation of women’s unpaid labour reveal deep contradictions. The recent Time Use Survey (TUS) 2024 and other official data bring to light these inequities, while political narratives attempt to glorify them as cultural strengths.

Why in the News?

The debate on the “domestic sphere” resurfaced after a controversial statement in August 2025 by RSS chief, who urged families to have at least three children for the “survival of civilisation.” This comment, reducing women to reproduction machines, stands in sharp contrast to the silence of ruling elites on domestic violence, dowry deaths (7,000 annually between 2017–2022), and marital rape. Simultaneously, the TUS 2024 exposed glaring gender disparities in unpaid work: women spend 7 hours daily in domestic services versus men’s 26 minutes. Despite this, the government’s framing celebrated men’s 15 minutes of caregiving as proof of “Indian family values.” This dissonance makes the issue urgent and deeply political.

Women and Violence Within Homes

  1. Dowry deaths: An average of 7,000 women annually (2017–2022) have died in dowry-related violence, totalling 35,000 lives lost.
  2. Domestic violence: NFHS-5 revealed 30% women reported intimate partner violence, but only 14% lodged police complaints.
  3. Silence of leadership: While majoritarian rhetoric aggressively targets “love jihad,” it remains mute on intra-community domestic crimes, revealing selective morality.

Historical and Contemporary Debates on Marriage and Gender Rights

  1. Ambedkar vs. orthodoxy: Ambedkar’s Hindu Code Bills sought divorce rights and caste-free marriages; opposed fiercely by conservative forces.
  2. Institution of marriage: Current opposition to criminalising marital rape reflects a continuity of Manusmriti-inspired ideals of sacramental marriage.
  3. Honour crimes: Cultural pressures still compel women to “adjust” in violent marriages, sustaining patriarchal structures.

Time Use Survey 2024 – Striking Findings

  1. Employment gap: Only 25% of women (15–59 yrs) in employment-related work, compared to 75% men, with women working fewer hours.
  2. Unpaid domestic work: 93% of women spend 7 hours daily; 70% of men do none.
  3. Care work: 41% of women vs. 21% of men engage in unpaid caregiving; men average barely 16 minutes daily.
  4. Total working hours: Women overall work longer hours than men but get less leisure, sleep, and nutrition time.

Government Narrative vs. Reality

  1. Official glorification: PIB (Feb 25, 2025) framed caregiving as reflecting the “Indian social fabric,” overlooking systemic gender exploitation.
  2. Policy translation: Anganwadi, mid-day meal, and ASHA workers, essentially extending domestic roles into the public sphere, are classified as “volunteers” with honorariums, not wages.
  3. Undervaluation: SBI 2023 study estimated ₹22.5 lakh crore annually (7% of GDP) as the value of women’s unpaid work, which subsidises male wages by reducing subsistence costs.

Towards an Alternative Approach

  1. Violence-free homes: Stronger social and legal frameworks against domestic violence and marital rape.
  2. Equal right to work: Recognition of men and women as equal primary workers with equal wages.
  3. Public provisioning: State-backed universal childcare, elderly care, quality health and education.
  4. Cultural reform: Move from “adjustment” to shared responsibility in domestic work.
  5. Recognition for scheme workers: Anganwadi, ASHA, mid-day meal staff to receive minimum wages and benefits as government employees.

Conclusion

The “domestic sphere” is not a private matter but a deeply political one, shaping both India’s democracy and economy. Unless women’s unpaid work, safety within homes, and dignity are recognised, slogans of empowerment will remain hollow. True nari shakti lies not in numerical glorification of caregiving, but in building a society where women’s labour, both paid and unpaid, receives justice.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2019] “Empowering women is the key to control population growth”. Discuss.

Linkage: Empowerment of women through education, health access, and economic participation is directly correlated with declining fertility rates, as seen in states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu.

When women exercise agency over reproductive choices, population growth transitions from being a demographic challenge to a managed outcome.

Thus, population stabilisation in India is less about coercive policies and more about gender justice and empowerment-driven development.

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Higher Education – RUSA, NIRF, HEFA, etc.

Ranking Pitfalls: India Rankings (2025) based on NIRF

Introduction

India’s higher education system is one of the largest in the world, and since 2016, the National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF) has aimed to provide a structured evaluation of institutions. With participation expanding from 3,565 institutions in its inception year to 14,163 in 2025, and categories rising from four to seventeen, the NIRF has created a sense of competition and accountability. However, critical flaws remain: skewed weightage for subjective parameters, inadequate measurement of inclusivity, and overemphasis on reputational factors. These shortcomings risk reducing the exercise into a branding tool rather than a driver of equity and quality in higher education.

Why is NIRF in the News?

India Rankings 2025 has once again been dominated by legacy public institutions, underscoring persistent inequalities in India’s higher education landscape. Despite its expanded coverage, the framework continues to rely on flawed methodologies, including subjective peer perception and incomplete outreach and inclusivity parameters. Of particular concern is the neglect of socio-economically disadvantaged groups and students with disabilities in the inclusivity metric. The stakes are high: without reform, NIRF risks entrenching elitism and doing little to democratise access to quality education.

Is NIRF making higher education more equitable?

  1. Outreach and Inclusivity (OI): Currently limited to regional and gender diversity while omitting socio-economic disadvantage and disability.
  2. Troubling trends: Only JNU and AIIMS, Delhi scored above 70 in OI among the top 10, exposing the marginalisation of weaker sections.
  3. Reservation policies: Central institutions still fail to adequately fill OBC, SC, and ST vacancies, undermining affirmative action.

Are the ranking parameters robust and fair?

  1. Five key parameters: Teaching & resources (30%), research (30%), graduation outcomes (20%), outreach & inclusivity (10%), peer perception (10%).
  2. Peer perception flaw: Criticised by Education Minister; reputation-based, subjective, and often biased against state-run or suburban institutions.
  3. Self-declared data: Heavy reliance risks manipulation; false submissions remain unpunished.
  4. Bibliometric dependence: While verifiable, this excludes non-English and socially relevant research output.

What challenges persist in India’s higher education system?

  1. Regional imbalance: Few top-quality institutions outside metropolitan hubs.
  2. Faculty shortage: Outside the top 100 institutions, a dearth of PhD-qualified teachers continues.
  3. Weak research culture: 58% of management institutions reported zero research publications.
  4. Mentorship gap: Legacy institutions rarely mentor emerging universities.

How can NIRF evolve beyond rankings?

  1. Policy tool, not ritual: Insights must inform reforms instead of being an annual exercise.
  2. Stronger inclusivity metrics: Incorporating socio-economic and disability parameters alongside gender and region.
  3. Accountability: Penalising institutions submitting false data.
  4. Capacity building: Encouraging collaboration between established and upcoming institutions.
  5. Affirmative action: Monitoring recruitment policies and enforcing reservations in faculty hiring.

Conclusion

The NIRF has created awareness about institutional performance and expanded its scope significantly. Yet, unless it addresses fundamental flaws, especially inclusivity, fairness in assessment, and accountability, it risks becoming a branding exercise. For India’s higher education system to truly progress, rankings must serve as instruments of reform, driving equity, excellence, and social justice.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2015] The quality of higher education in India requires major improvement to make it internationally competitive. Do you think that the entry of foreign educational institutions would help improve the quality of technical and higher education in the country? Discuss.

Linkage: The NIRF 2025 rankings expose gaps in research output, inclusivity, and global competitiveness of Indian institutions. While reforms in ranking parameters can drive internal improvements, the entry of foreign universities may create healthy competition and raise benchmarks. Thus, the PYQ directly connects with debates on how India can achieve globally competitive higher education through both domestic reforms and external participation.

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Wildlife Conservation Efforts

The making of an ecological disaster in the Nicobar

Introduction

The Great Nicobar Island Project, with an estimated expenditure of ₹72,000 crore, has sparked unprecedented controversy. Instead of strengthening India’s ecological security and inclusive growth, the project threatens to uproot indigenous communities such as the Nicobarese and the Shompen, destroy one of the world’s richest biodiversity hotspots, and expose the island to severe natural disaster risks. By bypassing constitutional bodies, statutory protections, and scientific warnings, the project raises fundamental questions about governance, justice, and sustainability in India’s developmental trajectory.

Uprooting Tribal Communities

  1. Nicobarese displacement: The project site overlaps with ancestral villages of the Nicobarese, already displaced once by the 2004 tsunami. Their hope of return will now be permanently extinguished.
  2. Shompen threat: The Shompen, classified as a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG), face cultural and ecological extinction as their reserve land is denotified and forests destroyed.
  3. Violation of tribal safeguards: Article 338A mandates consultation with the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes, which was bypassed. The Tribal Council’s objections were ignored after being “rushed” into signing a no-objection letter, later revoked.

Mockery of Legal and Regulatory Safeguards

  1. Social Impact Assessment failure: The 2013 Act on Land Acquisition and Rehabilitation excluded Nicobarese and Shompen from consideration, denying them stakeholder status.
  2. Forest Rights Act ignored: The Shompen’s authority to regulate and protect forests was bypassed.
  3. Constitutional neglect: Bodies like NCST and local tribal councils were side-lined, undermining democratic accountability.

The Farce of Compensatory Afforestation

  1. Massive tree felling: The Ministry projects 8.5 lakh trees may be cut, but independent estimates put the figure between 32–58 lakh.
  2. Afforestation mismatch: Compensatory afforestation is planned in Haryana, thousands of kilometres away, with a completely different ecology.
  3. Mining contradiction: A quarter of this afforestation land has been auctioned for mining, nullifying the mitigation strategy.
  4. CRZ violation: Port site falls under CRZ 1A, which prohibits construction due to turtle nesting sites and coral reefs.

Ecological and Wildlife Concerns

  1. Nicobar long-tailed macaque: Primatologists’ warnings on its survival risks were ignored.
  2. Sea turtle nesting mis-assessed: Surveys were conducted off-season, compromising accuracy.
  3. Dugong impact underestimated: Drone-based surveys only covered shallow waters.
  4. Biased assessments: Reports were allegedly conducted under duress, undermining credibility.

A Disaster-Prone Location

  1. Tsunami precedent: In 2004, the island subsided by 15 feet.
  2. Seismic zone risk: A 6.2 magnitude earthquake in July 2025 reinforced its vulnerability.
  3. Jeopardising investment: Infrastructure and lives face catastrophic risk from earthquakes and tsunamis.

Conclusion

The Great Nicobar Project symbolizes an ecological and humanitarian misadventure where short-term ambitions eclipse constitutional morality, environmental prudence, and tribal justice. The survival of the Nicobarese and Shompen, along with an irreplaceable ecosystem, hangs in the balance. True development must integrate ecological sustainability and social justice rather than sacrifice them at the altar of misplaced mega-infrastructure.

Value Addition

Way Forward

  • Inclusive Development with Tribal Consent
    • Ensure free, prior, and informed consent of Nicobarese and Shompen communities in line with the Niyamgiri judgment (2013).
    • Empower tribal councils in decision-making as mandated by the Forest Rights Act (2006).
  • Strengthening Legal and Institutional Safeguards
    • Consult the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST) and respect constitutional provisions under Article 338A.
    • Strengthen Social Impact Assessments with participation of affected communities.
  • Rethinking Compensatory Afforestation
    • Undertake afforestation within island ecosystems, not in distant states like Haryana.
    • Promote ecosystem restoration rather than mere plantation drives.
  • Ecologically Sensitive Area Protection
    • Enforce CRZ 1A norms protecting turtle nesting sites, coral reefs, and coastal biodiversity.
    • Recognise Great Nicobar as an Ecologically Sensitive Zone (ESZ) under Environment Protection Act.
  • Disaster-Resilient Planning
    • Recognise that Great Nicobar lies in Seismic Zone V and redesign infrastructure accordingly.
    • Adopt a low-impact development model suited for fragile ecosystems (eco-tourism, research hubs, small-scale renewable energy).
  • Alternative Growth Models
    • Focus on sustainable livelihoods for locals (fisheries, forest produce, heritage tourism).
    • Leverage the island’s location for strategic security through minimal-impact naval installations, avoiding large-scale civilian displacement.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2017] ‘Climate Change’ is a global problem. How India will be affected by climate change? How Himalayan and coastal states of India will be affected by climate change?

Linkage: The Great Nicobar Project directly links to this PYQ as it illustrates how climate change impacts combine with ill-planned development to heighten risks. Rising sea levels and intensifying cyclones threaten India’s coastal states, while Great Nicobar, lying in a seismically active and tsunami-prone zone, showcases the compounded vulnerability of fragile ecosystems and communities. Thus, it exemplifies how coastal regions face existential risks when climate change interacts with unsustainable projects.

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Primary and Secondary Education – RTE, Education Policy, SEQI, RMSA, Committee Reports, etc.

How much is spent on children’s education in India

Introduction

India has long struggled with gender inequities in education. Despite government efforts like Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao and steady progress in enrolment, where girls now form 48% of the school population and even surpass men in gross enrolment ratios in higher education, financial investment by families continues to tilt in favor of boys. The 80th round of the National Sample Survey (Comprehensive Modular Survey on Education) reveals that boys consistently receive higher expenditure allocations across school stages and states, highlighting deep-rooted social biases in household decision-making.

Significance of the recent NSS report

  1. New evidence: The 2024 survey covered 52,085 households and data for 57,742 students, making it one of the most comprehensive datasets on education expenditure.
  2. Contradiction with enrolment success: Despite progress in closing gender enrolment gaps, the spending patterns show that financial priorities still favor boys.
  3. Striking gap: In urban India, families spend ₹2,791 less per girl compared to boys, while in rural India, boys get 18% more spent on them.
  4. Long-term concern: Such expenditure biases translate into inequities in learning outcomes, employability, and overall empowerment.

Gender patterns in household spending on education

  1. All stages of schooling: Per-student expenditure on girls is consistently lower than boys from pre-primary to higher secondary.
  2. Rural-urban divide: Rural families spend ₹1,373 more on boys; urban families spend 30% more on boys by higher secondary level.
  3. Course fees: Families pay on average 21.5% more in fees for boys.

Private vs government schooling:

  1. 58.4% of girls are in government schools.
  2. 34% of boys access private unaided schools compared to 29.5% of girls.
  3. Tuition classes: While enrollment in coaching is similar (26% girls vs 27.8% boys), expenditure differs, by higher secondary, families spend 22% more on tuition for boys.

State-level variations in educational expenditure

  1. Delhi, MP, Rajasthan, Punjab: More than 10 percentage points gender gap in private school enrolment.
  2. Tamil Nadu and Kerala: Gender parity—boys and girls access government and private schools almost equally.
  3. Northeast States: Reverse trend—more girls enrolled in private schools.
  4. Telangana, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal: Families spend vastly more on boys at higher secondary level.
    • Example: In Tamil Nadu, families spend ₹35,973 on boys vs ₹19,412 on girls.
  5. Kerala, Himachal Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh: More spending on girls at higher secondary, partly due to safety-related transport costs.

Gender gap in private coaching expenditure

  1. Himachal Pradesh: Families spend ₹9,813 per boy vs ₹1,550 per girl on higher secondary tuition.
  2. Bihar, Jharkhand, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu: Also show significant tuition expenditure gaps.
  3. Implication: Coaching is seen as a gateway to competitive exams and better career prospects—girls being left out deepens structural disadvantages.

Broader implications for gender equality

  1. Hidden inequality: Enrolment parity does not mean equity in quality or investment.
  2. Future workforce impact: Lower spending on girls limits their human capital development and perpetuates the gender pay gap.
  3. Policy blind spots: Subsidies and scholarships exist, but social norms continue to undervalue daughters’ education.

Way Forward

Bridging the gender gap in educational expenditure requires a multi-pronged approach that addresses not just affordability but also deep-rooted social norms.

  1. Strengthening targeted subsidies: Expansion of schemes like Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao, free bicycles for girls, and conditional cash transfers for secondary and higher education can encourage families to invest equally in daughters.
  2. Equalising access to quality education: Improving the quality of government schools and providing digital learning resources will reduce the need for costly private schooling and tuitions, thereby narrowing gendered disparities.
  3. Awareness and behavioural change: Community-level campaigns must challenge patriarchal mindsets that undervalue girls’ education. Civil society and self-help groups can be leveraged to reshape family-level decision-making.
  4. Transport and safety interventions: Ensuring safe and affordable transport for girls, particularly in higher secondary education, will address a key cost component that discourages investment.
  5. Monitoring and accountability: Data from National Sample Survey and Unified District Information System for Education (UDISE+) should be used to regularly monitor gendered expenditure gaps and inform evidence-based policies.
  6. Integrating ethics and social responsibility: Education policies must go hand in hand with fostering a sense of justice, fairness, and equal opportunity, so that families see daughters as equal bearers of human capital.

Conclusion

The NSS findings show that while India has moved forward in closing the gender gap in enrolment, it still struggles with a silent financial discrimination in household educational spending. Unless families start valuing daughters’ education equally, not just in words but also in investment, true gender equality in education will remain elusive. Corrective measures through policy nudges, financial incentives, and awareness campaigns are essential to bridge this invisible divide.

Value Addition

Key Concepts

  1. Gender Parity Index (GPI): Ratio of female-to-male values in education indicators; India has achieved near-parity in enrolment but lags in investment equity.
  2. Human Capital Theory: Education as an investment leading to productivity and growth; unequal spending weakens women’s contribution to the economy.
  3. Intersectionality: Gender bias in expenditure intersects with class, caste, and rural-urban divides, amplifying inequalities.

Data and Reports

  1. National Sample Survey (2024): Reveals consistent gaps in household expenditure on girls’ education across stages and regions.
  2. World Economic Forum Gender Gap Report (2024): India slipped in rankings, with education a major drag despite enrolment progress.
  3. ASER Report (Annual Status of Education Report): Points to quality issues in rural schools, often affecting girls disproportionately.
  4. UNESCO (Global Education Monitoring Report, 2023): Highlights that globally, girls are more likely to be excluded from secondary and higher education due to cost factors.

Government Policies and Schemes

  1. National Education Policy (NEP) 2020: Emphasises inclusive, equitable education and gender-sensitive curricula.
  2. Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao (2015): Social mobilisation for improving girls’ survival, protection, and education.
  3. National Scheme of Incentives to Girls for Secondary Education (NSIGSE): Financial support to reduce dropouts.
  4. Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya (KGBV): Residential schooling for disadvantaged girls in Classes 6–12.

Comparative International Experience

  1. Bangladesh: Successful in reducing gender disparity through stipend schemes for girls, free textbooks, and subsidies—leading to higher female enrolment in secondary education.
  2. Nordic Countries (Sweden, Norway, Finland): Achieved near-complete gender equity in education by ensuring free schooling, universal childcare, and strong social security systems that reduce household bias.
  3. Rwanda: Introduced Gender-Responsive Budgeting—allocating funds specifically to address gender gaps in education, which India can emulate.

Quotes (Useful for Essay/Ethics/GS answers)

  1. “If you educate a man you educate an individual, but if you educate a woman you educate a family.” — Charles M. Cooper
  2. “Investment in girls’ education is not charity, it is the smartest investment a country can make.” — UN Secretary-General António Guterres

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2022] The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009 remains inadequate in promoting incentive-based system for children’s education without generating awareness about the importance of schooling. Analyse.

Linkage: The NSS 80th round shows families spend 18–30% more on boys than girls, privileging them in private schools and coaching despite RTE’s universal access. This proves that incentive-based provisions under the RTE Act remain inadequate without tackling deep-rooted gender norms. Hence, awareness generation, gender-responsive budgeting, and social mobilisation are essential complements to legal entitlements.

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Disasters and Disaster Management – Sendai Framework, Floods, Cyclones, etc.

Why Punjab keeps flooding

Introduction

Punjab, often called the “food bowl of India,” is paradoxically one of the most flood-prone states in the country. Drained by three perennial rivers, the Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej, along with seasonal tributaries and hill streams, Punjab has historically thrived on its fertile floodplains. Yet, the very rivers that make its land abundant also bring recurring devastation. The 2025 floods, among the worst in recent memory, have once again underlined the dual challenge of geography and governance. With 3.8 lakh people affected, 11.7 lakh hectares of farmland destroyed, and 43 lives lost, the floods highlight not just natural vulnerability but also systemic mismanagement.

Why Punjab’s Floods Are Back in the Spotlight

Punjab is currently experiencing one of the most destructive floods in decades, with unprecedented rainfall in Himachal Pradesh, J&K, and Punjab itself swelling rivers beyond capacity. What makes this year’s floods significant is the scale: all 23 districts have been declared flood-hit, and the breach of Madhopur barrage gates has worsened devastation. While heavy rains are not new, institutional failures, especially in dam management by the Bhakra Beas Management Board (BBMB), and delayed warnings have amplified the crisis, making the situation worse than previous floods of 1955, 1988, 1993, 2019, and 2023.

Rivers as Both Boon and Bane

  1. Three perennial rivers – Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej traverse Punjab, carrying immense alluvium and making the state highly fertile.
  2. Seasonal rivers and choes – Rivers like Ghaggar and hill streams add to Punjab’s complex hydrology.
  3. Agricultural abundance – Punjab produces nearly 20% of India’s wheat and 12% of its rice, despite occupying only 1.5% of landmass.
  4. Recurring floods – Heavy monsoons, particularly in upstream catchments (Himachal and J&K), frequently overwhelm dhussi bundhs (earthen embankments), as seen in 1955, 1988, 1993, 2019, 2023, and now 2025.

Why Do Dams Intensify Flooding

  1. Upstream damsBhakra (Sutlej), Pong (Beas), and Thein/Ranjit Sagar (Ravi) play a central role in regulating river flow.
  2. Rule curve dilemma – The BBMB maintains high reservoir levels in July–August for irrigation and power, leaving little cushion for sudden heavy inflows.
  3. Sudden releases – Emergency releases during extreme rainfall cause flash floods downstream, as seen with Pong dam’s unprecedented 20% higher inflows than 2023.
  4. Governance issue – Punjab feels marginalized in BBMB decisions, especially after 2022 rule changes allowing all-India officers to head the Board.

Human Factors Worsening the Crisis

  1. Barrage failures – On August 26, two gates of the Madhopur barrage collapsed after Thein dam releases, flooding Pathankot, Gurdaspur, and Amritsar.
  2. Weak embankmentsIllegal mining has eroded dhussi bundhs, reducing their ability to withstand pressure.
  3. Poor coordination – Lack of communication between upstream and downstream departments delayed gate operations.
  4. Neglected desilting – Experts estimate that ₹4,000–5,000 crore investment in desilting and embankment strengthening could prevent far greater losses.

Larger Governance Failures

  1. BBMB’s narrow mandate – Prioritizes irrigation and power, neglecting flood management.
  2. Delayed warnings – Punjab officials allege sudden releases with little time for evacuation.
  3. Political tensions – Punjab’s Water Resources Minister accused the Centre of ignoring Punjab’s plight.
  4. Environmentalists’ view – Experts stress that flood cushions, transparent decision-making, and scientific dam operations are essential to prevent repeated tragedies.

Conclusion

Punjab’s floods are not just a story of heavy rain but of fragile governance structures. Nature may trigger floods, but poor dam management, illegal mining, weak embankments, and lack of timely communication convert them into disasters. Strengthening embankments, enforcing transparent dam operations, and giving Punjab a greater role in BBMB are urgent needs. Unless governance catches up with geography, Punjab will continue to oscillate between abundance and devastation.

UPSC Relevance

[UPSC 2024] Flooding in urban areas is an emerging climate-induced disaster. Discuss the causes of this disaster. Mention the features of two such major floods in the last two decades in India. Describe the policies and frameworks in India that aim at tackling such floods.

Linkage: The Punjab floods of 2025 mirror the challenges of urban floods like Mumbai (2005) and Chennai (2015), where extreme rainfall combined with poor drainage, unplanned construction, and dam mismanagement turned heavy rain into catastrophe. Frameworks like the Disaster Management Act, 2005, the Sendai Framework (2015–30), and National Disaster Management Plan (2019) provide guiding structures, yet governance lapses and weak local preparedness continue to make both rural and urban areas equally vulnerable to flooding.

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A new leaf- environmental compliance needs to be monitored at all levels

Introduction

India’s environmental regulation has long suffered from weak enforcement due to manpower and capacity deficits. The Environment Audit Rules, 2025 seek to fix this by authorising private accredited auditors to monitor compliance, ensuring industries and companies adhere to environmental norms and emerging frameworks like carbon accounting and green credits.

Why in the News

The rules are significant because, for the first time, private agencies have been formally allowed to audit environmental compliance, a task previously limited to statutory boards. This shift addresses the chronic resource crunch in pollution control authorities and ties compliance to future-ready mechanisms such as the Green Credit Rules.

The Expanding Framework of Environmental Monitoring

  1. Current institutional structure: Supported by the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB), the Regional Offices of the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC), and the State Pollution Control Boards (SPCBs)/Pollution Control Committees (PCCs).
  2. Persistent limitations: Severe shortage of manpower, resources, capacity, and infrastructure has hampered effective monitoring.
  3. Press statement: The Ministry itself acknowledged that these deficits weaken enforcement across “the vast number of projects and industries operating nationwide.”

The Role of Private Environmental Auditors

  1. Accreditation system: Private agencies can now get licensed as environmental auditors.
  2. Comparable to Chartered Accountants: Much like financial auditors, they will assess compliance with environmental laws and best practices in pollution abatement.
  3. Wider application: Their audits will also be relevant for emerging frameworks such as the Green Credit Rules.

Integrating Green Credit and Carbon Accounting

  1. Green Credit Rules: Individuals and organisations can earn tradeable credits for activities such as afforestation, water conservation, and waste management.
  2. Corporate responsibility: Companies must now account for direct and indirect carbon emissions, requiring sophisticated auditing frameworks.
  3. Gap in state capacity: SPCBs are not equipped to handle complex emission accounting, hence the shift towards specialised auditors.

Risks of Diluting Core Responsibilities

  1. Neglect at the grassroots: Environmental violations are often most blatant at district, block, and panchayat levels.
  2. Lack of trained staff: Local monitoring agencies remain understaffed and undertrained, allowing many violations to go unchecked.
  3. Need for empowerment: Any new regime must strengthen, not sideline, grassroots institutions.

Future of Environmental Regulation in India

  1. Beyond policing: Environmental regulation is no longer about enforcement alone but about aligning with global climate goals.
  2. Preparing for the future: Systems must adapt to integrate climate accounting, sustainability audits, and market-based mechanisms like credits.
  3. Balancing act: New reforms must bridge manpower deficits without undermining accountability.

Conclusion

The Environment Audit Rules, 2025 represent a decisive shift in India’s environmental governance by institutionalising private auditing in compliance monitoring. While this can bridge long-standing deficits in manpower and expertise, the real test lies in ensuring grassroots empowerment and preventing dilution of State responsibility. Environmental protection cannot be outsourced entirely; instead, it must evolve into a multi-stakeholder responsibility that balances accountability, innovation, and inclusivity.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2013]: Enumerate the National Water Policy of India. Taking river Ganges as an example, discuss the strategies which may be adopted for river water pollution control and management. What are the legal provisions for management and handling of hazardous wastes in India?

Linkage: The UPSC 2013 question on National Water Policy, Ganga pollution control, and hazardous waste laws links well with the Environment Audit Rules, 2025, as both highlight the gap between legal provisions and effective enforcement. The new rules strengthen monitoring by accrediting private auditors, addressing the chronic manpower deficits that plagued river pollution and waste management efforts. They represent an evolution from mere policy frameworks to robust compliance mechanisms.

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Freedom of Speech – Defamation, Sedition, etc.

Should Commercial speech on digital platform be regulated

Introduction

On August 25, 2025, the Supreme Court of India asked the Union government to frame guidelines for regulating social media content, noting that influencers often commercialise speech in ways that offend vulnerable groups. The case arose from derogatory remarks made by comedians about persons with Spinal Muscular Atrophy. While well-intentioned, the order has raised concerns about overregulation of free speech.

Why in the news

The Supreme Court of India’s intervention is significant because it directs the executive to draft specific rules for social media despite existing laws such as the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 (BNS) and the Information Technology Act, 2000 (IT Act) already providing mechanisms. For the first time, the Court has nudged the government toward formal regulation triggered by a single incident, raising alarms of censorship and judicial overreach.

The presence or absence of a regulatory vacuum

  1. Existing provisions: FIRs can be filed under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 and the Information Technology Act, 2000. The IT Act already empowers courts or the executive to order takedowns.
  2. Opaque enforcement: Takedowns often occur without notifying the affected individual, undermining natural justice.
  3. Critics’ view: No regulatory vacuum exists; additional rules may be an overreaction to a single case.

The question of dignity as a ground for restricting free speech

  1. Constitutional limits: Article 19(2) of the Constitution of India exhaustively lists permissible restrictions, security of the state, public order, decency, morality, etc. Dignity is not among them.
  2. Judicial precedents: In Subramanian Swamy v. Union of India (2016), the Supreme Court of India upheld criminal defamation, indirectly protecting individual dignity, but did not treat dignity as an independent ground.
  3. Slippery slope risk: Recognising dignity as a separate basis for restriction could legitimise expansive censorship.

The risk of silencing uncomfortable speech

  1. Chilling effect: Overbroad regulations may deter comedians, satirists, and artists from bold expression.
  2. Supreme Court stance: In March 2025, in Imran Pratapgadhi v. State of Gujarat, the Court quashed charges against a Member of Parliament, reaffirming that Article 19(1)(a) protects even disturbing or offensive views.
  3. Censorship creep: Proposals like the Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill may expand state control over independent creators.

The place of commercial speech in free expression

  1. Judicial recognition: In Sakal Papers Pvt. Ltd. v. Union of India (1962) and Tata Press Ltd. v. Mahanagar Telephone Nigam Limited (1995), the Supreme Court of India affirmed that commercial speech falls under Article 19(1)(a).
  2. Commerce and speech: Just as newspapers rely on advertisements, comedians and influencers rely on monetisation. Profit motive does not make speech less deserving of protection.
  3. Criticism: Comedy and satire do not neatly fall into the narrow category of “commercial speech,” traditionally reserved for advertisements.

Judicial polyvocality and consistency of precedent

  1. Court’s nature: Divergent views are part of common law, but binding precedent ensures continuity.
  2. Problem here: Directing the executive to draft rules risks giving regulations undue legitimacy and making constitutional challenges harder.
  3. Judicial discipline: When coordinate Benches depart from earlier rulings, proper procedure is referral to a larger Bench.

Safeguards needed in future regulations

  1. Transparent review: Any regulation must ensure robust review mechanisms and fairness in takedown procedures.
  2. Broad consultation: Stakeholder engagement should extend beyond industry associations to include civil society and affected communities.
  3. Opacity concerns: Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, 2000 and its rules (2009) are already opaque; future regulations must not repeat these flaws.

Conclusion

The Supreme Court’s intention to protect dignity is laudable, but creating fresh regulations risks undermining the freedom of expression. India already has legal frameworks to tackle offensive content. Expanding restrictions based on vague concepts like dignity may lead to excessive censorship, weaken democratic discourse, and erode artistic freedom.

Value Addition

Social Media Regulation in India

Existing legal framework:

  1. Information Technology Act, 2000 (IT Act) – Section 69A empowers the government to block content in the interest of sovereignty, security, or public order.
  2. Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 – impose obligations on intermediaries (traceability, grievance redressal, content takedown within 24 hours).
  3. Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 (BNS) – contains provisions criminalising hate speech, obscenity, and defamation.

Judicial interventions:

  1. Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) – struck down Section 66A of the IT Act for being vague and unconstitutional.
  2. Subramanian Swamy v. Union of India (2016) – upheld criminal defamation, linking dignity and reputation to Article 21.
  3. Concerns: Opaque takedown orders, executive overreach, limited transparency, chilling effect on creators.

Comparative Global Perspective

  • European Union (EU):
    • Digital Services Act (DSA), 2022 – imposes strict obligations on platforms to remove illegal content, ensures algorithmic transparency, and penalises non-compliance heavily.
    • Focus on user rights, platform accountability, and transparency reports.
  • United States:
    • Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, 1996 – grants platforms immunity for third-party content but allows them to moderate in “good faith.”
    • Debate ongoing about reforming Section 230 to tackle misinformation and hate speech.
  • United Kingdom: Online Safety Act, 2023 – places a “duty of care” on platforms to protect children and curb illegal content.
  • Australia: Online Safety Act, 2021 – empowers the eSafety Commissioner to order removal of harmful content (cyberbullying, image-based abuse, terrorist material).
  • China: Heavily restrictive model – extensive censorship, mandatory real-name verification, and state monitoring of digital platforms.
  • Global South: Many countries (e.g., Nigeria, Pakistan) have passed restrictive social media laws under the pretext of national security, raising concerns about authoritarian misuse.

International Bodies and Global Norms

  • United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC): Stresses that restrictions on online speech must comply with Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) – legality, necessity, and proportionality.
  • UNESCO: Advocates for a multi-stakeholder approach to digital governance, focusing on protecting human rights, access to information, and pluralism.
  • OECD (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development): Encourages transparency and accountability frameworks for digital platforms.
  • Global Internet Forum to Counter Terrorism (GIFCT): A tech industry-led initiative to remove extremist content online.

Good Examples

  • Germany: Network Enforcement Act (NetzDG), 2017 – requires platforms to remove “manifestly unlawful” content (hate speech, fake news) within 24 hours. Criticised for overblocking but effective in quick takedowns.
  • France: Passed “Avia Law” (2020) against online hate but was struck down by the Constitutional Council for disproportionate restrictions. Illustrates the tension between free speech and regulation.
  • EU’s GDPR (General Data Protection Regulation) indirectly regulates platforms by holding them accountable for data privacy and targeted advertising.

Way Forward for India

  • Principle-based framework: Regulations should follow constitutional safeguards (Article 19(2)), ensure proportionality, and avoid vague categories like “dignity.”
  • Transparency and due process: Mandatory publication of takedown orders, notice to affected parties, and avenues for appeal.
  • Independent oversight: Instead of executive dominance, an independent regulator (like an ombudsman or tribunal) could review takedown requests.
  • Stakeholder-driven approach: Consultation must involve civil society, creators, tech companies, and vulnerable communities.
  • Digital literacy: Public campaigns to counter hate speech and misinformation organically, rather than relying solely on punitive regulation.
  • Learning from global practices: India could adapt elements of the EU’s Digital Services Act (transparency), US’s Section 230 immunity, and Australia’s safety-first approach, while avoiding China’s over-control.

UPSC Relevance

[UPSC 2013] Discuss Section 66A of IT Act, with reference to its alleged violation of Article 19 of the Constitution.

Linkage: Section 66A of the Information Technology Act, 2000 was struck down in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015) for being vague and violating Article 19(1)(a) beyond the limits of Article 19(2). The present debate on regulating commercial speech on digital platforms raises a similar concern, as introducing “dignity” as a restriction risks the same arbitrariness. Both highlight the constitutional need for clear, proportionate, and narrowly defined limits on free speech in India.

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Foreign Policy Watch: India-China

India-China: the making of a border

Introduction

The India–China boundary, stretching for about 3,488 km, is one of the longest disputed borders in the world. Unlike clearly demarcated international frontiers, this boundary runs through the Himalayas and remains unsettled in large parts. The two major areas of dispute are Aksai Chin in the western sector, occupied by China but claimed by India, and Arunachal Pradesh (particularly the Tawang tract) in the eastern sector, claimed by China but under Indian control. Rooted in the legacies of the British and Manchu empires, the boundary was never precisely defined. After independence, India relied on British-era maps while China pressed for historical and strategic claims. This divergence led to the 1962 war and continues to shape relations between the two Asian powers.

Why the India–China border issue matters

The unresolved India–China border remains a major geopolitical challenge in Asia. Unlike other international boundaries, this border runs through inhospitable Himalayan terrain where neither country historically maintained a permanent presence. The 1962 war, following India’s rejection of Chinese proposals, left scars of mistrust. Later attempts, such as Rajiv Gandhi’s 1988 Beijing visit, restored engagement but not resolution. The dispute is about sovereignty, strategy, and national prestige, making it a flashpoint with global implications.

The imperial legacy and a contested border

  1. Colonial inheritance: The India–China border was a product of the British and Manchu empires, drawn imprecisely through the Himalayas.
  2. Absence of settlement: After independence, India relied on colonial maps and dismissed Chinese calls for negotiations.
  3. Strategic miscalculation: India’s faith in maps was not supported by control on the ground, leaving space for China’s proactive steps in Aksai Chin.

The emergence of conflict in Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh

  1. Chinese presence in Aksai Chin: China constructed a highway from Xinjiang to Tibet through Aksai Chin, asserting de facto control.
  2. Indian assertion in Tawang: India occupied Tawang citing the 1914 Simla Convention and the McMahon Line signed with an independent Tibet.
  3. Proposals for compromise: In 1959, Beijing suggested a Line of Actual Control (LAC) with a 20 km troop pullback; in 1960, Zhou Enlai proposed a swap—Aksai Chin for Arunachal recognition.
  4. Breakdown and war: India rejected these offers; attempts to reclaim Aksai Chin triggered the 1962 war, where India lost ground in Ladakh but retained the McMahon Line in the east.

Post-war developments and early engagement

  1. Dormancy period: After 1962, both sides avoided border contact for more than a decade.
  2. China Study Group: In 1975, India formed this high-level body to map the border with satellite imagery and direct patrolling.
  3. Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s outreach: In 1979, Vajpayee visited Beijing, the first senior Indian leader to do so since 1962, initiating cautious normalisation.
  4. Revival of Chinese proposals: Deng Xiaoping in 1980 reiterated Zhou’s swap idea, but India, led by Indira Gandhi, rejected it due to mistrust.

The stalemate in negotiations during the 1980s

  1. Unproductive talks: From 1981, both sides engaged in negotiations—India sought sector-wise talks, while China insisted on a package deal.
  2. Demand for Tawang: By 1985, Beijing linked concessions in Ladakh with Indian concessions over Tawang, central to China’s Tibet policy.
  3. Operation Falcon: In 1986, India forward-deployed troops at Namka Chu, displaying improved military preparedness since 1962.
  4. De-escalation: Both sides eventually pulled back, but the demand for Tawang revealed fundamental divergence.

Rajiv Gandhi’s 1988 visit and a new framework

  1. Strategic reset: Rajiv Gandhi’s visit to Beijing marked a shift from linking normalisation to border resolution.
  2. Framework for dialogue: Both sides agreed to restore relations while deferring the border issue to a Joint Working Group (JWG).
  3. Principle of accommodation: Premier Li Peng emphasised “mutual understanding and mutual accommodation (MUMA),” while Gandhi sought a “fair and reasonable” settlement.
  4. Peace as priority: Peace and tranquillity were prioritised, enabling cooperation in other fields despite the unsettled boundary.

Conclusion

The India–China border dispute is a story of missed chances, mistrust, and strategic recalibration. From Aksai Chin to Tawang, an imperial legacy evolved into a sovereignty dilemma. While Deng Xiaoping and Rajiv Gandhi shifted the relationship towards peace, fundamental differences endure. History shows that strategic patience, military preparedness, and calibrated diplomacy remain the keys to managing this difficult relationship.

Value Addition

Institutional Mechanisms

  1. China Study Group (1975): Established by India to monitor the border with satellite mapping and patrolling points.
  2. Joint Working Group (1988): Created after Rajiv Gandhi’s visit to sustain structured dialogue on the boundary issue.
  3. Later confidence-building agreements (1993, 1996, 2005): Though not in this article, they flowed from this trajectory and institutionalised border management.

Policy Evolution

  1. Jawaharlal Nehru: Over-reliance on colonial maps and dismissal of negotiations.
  2. Atal Bihari Vajpayee: Cautious outreach to normalise ties in 1979 despite tensions.
  3. Indira Gandhi: Strong mistrust post-1962, refusal to accept “territorial swaps.”
  4. Rajiv Gandhi: Pragmatic reset in 1988, separating normalisation from boundary resolution.

Line of Actual Control (LAC)

  1. Definition: The de facto boundary separating Indian and Chinese forces, first formally acknowledged in 1959 by China.
  2. Nature: Not mutually agreed or demarcated on the ground, leading to “differing perceptions.”
  3. Relevance: Key to understanding recurring standoffs such as Galwan (2020), though beyond this article’s timeframe.

Case Study Relevance

  1. Aksai Chin: Illustrates how geography and strategic imperatives (road connectivity to Tibet) drive China’s claims.
  2. Tawang: Demonstrates cultural and religious dimensions (Tibetan Buddhism, Dalai Lama’s birthplace links).
  3. Operation Falcon (1986): A case study in how improved military readiness altered China’s calculus.
  4. Rajiv Gandhi’s 1988 visit: A model of pragmatic diplomacy—normalisation without immediate resolution.

Way Forward

  1. Institutional strengthening: Reviving and empowering mechanisms like the Joint Working Group and Special Representatives dialogue.
  2. Confidence-building: Expanding agreements on patrolling norms, hotlines, and disengagement to avoid clashes.
  3. Strategic balance: Maintaining military preparedness (as shown in Operation Falcon) while keeping diplomacy open.
  4. Engagement beyond the border: Deepening cooperation in trade, technology, and multilateral forums to build trust.
  5. Mutual accommodation: Drawing from Deng Xiaoping and Rajiv Gandhi’s vision of a “fair, reasonable, mutually acceptable” settlement to guide long-term resolution.

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2017] ‘China is using its economic relations and positive trade surplus as tools to develop potential military power status in Asia’, In the light of this statement, discuss its impact on India as her neighbor.

Linkage: China’s occupation of Aksai Chin and insistence on Tawang show how strategic control is tied to economic leverage, such as road connectivity and infrastructure. Its trade surplus with India fuels military modernisation along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). For India, this creates a dual challenge of managing unresolved borders while countering China’s economic–military power projection in Asia.

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