💥UPSC 2026, 2027 UAP Mentorship September Batch

Health Sector – UHC, National Health Policy, Family Planning, Health Insurance, etc.

[10th October 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: India’s mental health crisis, the cries and scars

PYQ Relevance:

[UPSC 2023] Explain why suicide among young women is increasing in Indian Society.

Linkage: Mental distress is deeply intertwined with societal issues like increasing suicide rates among young women, poverty, marginalization, and the impact of modernization and urbanization.

Introduction:

The National Crime Records Bureau’s Accidental Deaths and Suicides in India (ADSI) 2023 report recorded 1,71,418 suicides, a marginal 0.3% rise from 2022. While the suicide rate per lakh population declined slightly, absolute numbers remain high, underscoring a deep social, economic, and psychological crisis.

National Data and Trends as per ADSI, 2023:

  1. Demographics: Men constituted 72.8% of suicides in 2023.
  2. Leading Causes: Family problems: 31.9%; Illness: 19%; Substance abuse: 7%; Relationship and marriage-related issues: around 10% combined.
  3. Regional Variation: The Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Sikkim, and Kerala had the highest suicide rates, while Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, and West Bengal together accounted for over 40% of all cases.
  4. Urban vs Rural: Cities reported consistently higher suicide rates than rural areas, reflecting the psychological stress of urbanisation and competition.

Farmer Suicides and Rural Distress:

  1. Farmer deaths: 10,786 suicides (6.3% of total) in 2023, concentrated mainly in Maharashtra and Karnataka.
  2. Long-term pattern: Over 1,00,000 farmers have taken their lives since 2014. Between 1995 and 2015, nearly 2,96,000 deaths were linked to debt, market volatility, and institutional neglect.
  3. Underlying causes: Debt, crop failure, inadequate price support, and the absence of reliable social safety nets.
  4. Invisible victims: Homemakers and caregivers, particularly women, face rising rates of depression and domestic stress but remain underrepresented in official data.

Magnitude of Mental Illness in India:

  1. Estimated burden: Nearly 230 million Indians live with mental disorders ranging from depression and anxiety to bipolar disorder and substance use.
  2. Treatment gap: 70–92% of individuals with severe illness receive no formal care.
  3. Lifetime prevalence: 10.6%, according to national health data.
  4. Global comparison: WHO estimates India’s suicide rate at 16.3 per 1,00,000, significantly higher than the global average.

Value Addition: India’s Mental Health Governance and Legal Framework:

  • Mental Healthcare Act, 2017:
    1. Guarantees the right to affordable, quality mental health care.
    2. Decriminalises suicide and mandates insurance coverage for psychiatric illnesses.
    3. Upholds patient dignity and autonomy under Article 21 of the Constitution.
  • Judicial reinforcement: In Sukdeb Saha vs State of Andhra Pradesh (2025), the Supreme Court reaffirmed mental health as a fundamental right, compelling state accountability.
  • District Mental Health Programme (DMHP): Covers 767 districts, expanding access to outpatient services, suicide prevention, and counselling.
  • Tele MANAS Helpline: A 24×7 service offering over 20 lakh tele-counselling sessions, particularly beneficial in underserved regions.

Systemic Gaps and Institutional Failures:

  1. Workforce shortage: Only 0.75 psychiatrists and 0.12 psychologists per 1,00,000 population, below WHO’s minimum of 1.7 psychiatrists and far from the ideal of 3.
  2. Underfunding: Mental health receives only 1.05% of India’s health budget, compared to 8–10% in countries like Australia, Canada, and the UK.
  3. Policy–practice gap:
    • The Mental Healthcare Act (2017) decriminalised suicide and guaranteed the right to care.
    • The National Suicide Prevention Strategy (2022) targeted a 10% reduction in suicides.
    • However, implementation remains weak, and suicides continue to rise.
  4. Non-functional initiatives:
    • The Manodarpan school-based support scheme remains largely inactive.
    • ₹270 crore allocated for mental health is largely unspent.

Persistent Challenges:

  1. Treatment Gaps: 70–92% of individuals with common disorders like depression and anxiety remain untreated.
  2. Infrastructure Deficits: Inadequate availability of psychotropic medicines and rehabilitation services, which meet less than 15% of actual demand.
  3. Stigma and Awareness: Over 50% of Indians still attribute mental illness to personal weakness or shame, limiting early intervention.
  4. Workforce Urban Bias: Mental health professionals remain concentrated in cities, leaving rural areas, where 70% of India’s population lives, largely unserved.

Steps to Strengthen India’s Mental Health System: Way Forward

  1. Budget Expansion: Raise mental health allocation to at least 5% of total health spending, ensuring resources for workforce, infrastructure, and medicine.
  2. Workforce Development: Train and deploy mid-level mental health providers to fill rural gaps and meet WHO’s minimum density.
  3. Integration: Embed mental health into primary health care and universal insurance coverage.
  4. Monitoring: Create a cascade-based national monitoring system to track outcomes, ensure accountability, and guide funding.
  5. Anti-Stigma Campaigns: Institutionalise mental health education in schools and workplaces, aiming for 60% literacy coverage by 2027.
  6. Cross-Ministerial Coordination: Establish a unified framework linking health, education, social justice, and labour for cohesive policy execution.

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Foreign Policy Watch: India – EU

[9th October 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: An anchor for India-U.K. ties, their economic partnership

Introduction:

  1. The signing of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) in July 2025 marks a major milestone in India–UK relations, cementing their partnership in trade, technology, defence, and climate cooperation.
  2. British Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s visit to Mumbai further signals mutual intent to deepen collaboration under the evolving Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) framework of Roadmap 2030 (2021).
  3. The agreement reflects a broader trend i.e. India’s calibrated engagement with post-Brexit Britain and the European continent, aligning trade liberalisation with strategic convergence.

India–UK Relations: A Quick Recap

  • Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (2021): Anchored in Roadmap 2030, covering trade, climate, defence, technology, and health.
  • Economic Ties: The UK contributes nearly 5% of India’s total FDI; bilateral trade exceeded USD 20 billion in FY 2024–25.
  • Defence Cooperation: Exercises such as Ajeya Warrior and Konkan Shakti, and collaboration in aerospace and propulsion systems strengthen military interoperability.
  • Technology Partnership: The Technology Security Initiative (TSI) focuses on AI, semiconductors, quantum technology, and critical minerals.
  • People-to-People Linkages: Over 1.7 million Indian-origin residents and 150,000 students in the UK reinforce socio-economic ties.
  • Global Convergence: Shared democratic values underpin cooperation on climate action, maritime security, and UN Security Council reform.
  • Trajectory: The relationship is transitioning from historical ties to a modern, technology-driven alliance, embedded in the emerging multipolar global order.

India–UK Economic Partnership under CETA:

  1. Framework: The CETA (2025) combines tariff reduction, regulatory alignment, and investment facilitation, aiming to double bilateral trade by 2030.
  2. Benefits for India:
    • Tariff cuts on pharmaceuticals, textiles, and agricultural exports.
    • Enhanced access for IT, green tech, and digital services.
  3. Implications for the UK:
    • Lower duties on automobiles, Scotch whisky, and high-end machinery.
    • Post-Brexit diversification into South Asian markets.
  4. Double Contributions Convention (DCC): Exempts Indian professionals in the UK from dual social security payments for up to three years.
  5. Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT): Ensures investor protection and promotes sustainable FDI in manufacturing, renewables, and infrastructure.
  6. Defence Industrial Partnership (2025): Facilitates joint R&D, co-production, and defence manufacturing, aligned with Atmanirbhar Bharat.
  7. Technology Security Initiative (TSI, 2024): Coordinates semiconductors, quantum computing, AI, and critical minerals cooperation at the national security adviser level.

Parallel European Engagements:

  1. India’s UK outreach complements its broader European diversification strategy:
    • EFTA Trade and Economic Partnership Agreement (TEPA): In effect from October 2025, ensuring USD 100 billion investment over 15 years.
    • EU Negotiations: Trade with the European Union reached USD 136.5 billion (FY 2024–25) with sustained dialogue on an FTA.
  2. This multi-vector diplomacy balances India’s engagement between continental Europe and post-Brexit Britain.
  3. Europe’s emphasis on technological sovereignty, climate neutrality, and Indo-Pacific cooperation aligns with India’s maritime and sustainability interests.
  4. The combined outreach enhances India’s access to capital, innovation, and strategic technologies, consolidating its role as a balancing power in global governance.

Economic and Strategic Significance:

  1. Complementarity: India offers scale and skilled labour, while the UK contributes technology, capital, and innovation ecosystems.
  2. Co-Development: Collaboration in green energy, fintech, advanced manufacturing, higher education, and sustainable finance.
  3. Geostrategic Convergence:
    • UK’s support for India’s UNSC seat and NSG membership.
    • Joint naval and maritime initiatives under the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI).
    • Partnership on Electric Propulsion Capability Initiative in naval systems.
  4. Diaspora Role: The Indian diaspora serves as a connective economic and cultural bridge, amplifying trade and investment flows.
  5. The relationship now transcends transactional trade, emerging as a multi-domain strategic alliance integrating security, sustainability, and innovation.

Challenges and Negotiation Frictions:

  1. Political Sensitivities: Colonial legacy and diaspora-linked protests periodically affect diplomatic optics.
  2. Negotiation Hurdles: Differences on tariff schedules, rules of origin, and intellectual property.
  3. TRIPS-Plus Provisions: India’s resistance to stronger IP norms preserves its pharmaceutical flexibility.
  4. Immigration and Data Divergences: Require harmonised frameworks for professional mobility and digital governance.
  5. FTA Ratification Delays: Absence of fixed timelines for CETA and BIT create investor uncertainty.

Despite frictions, both sides perceive these accords as long-term strategic enablers, not mere commercial instruments.

Conclusion:

The next phase of engagement should focus on joint innovation, co-production, and sustainability-based partnerships, moving beyond conventional tariff-based frameworks.  Strengthening defence R&D and technology transfer mechanisms will foster greater self-reliance and industrial growth in both nations.

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Judicial Reforms

[7th October 2025 ] The Hindu Op-ed: Calling out the criticism of the Indian Judiciary

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2023] Constitutionally guaranteed judicial independence is a prerequisite of democracy”. Comment.

Linkage: The article defends judicial independence as the backbone of India’s democracy, arguing that blaming courts for developmental delays undermines their constitutional role as checks on executive excesses. It reinforces that true democracy thrives only when judicial autonomy remains uncompromised.

Mentor’s Comment

In an era where the pursuit of Viksit Bharat (Developed India) dominates public discourse, the judiciary is increasingly being portrayed as a bottleneck in India’s development journey. However, this narrative is not only simplistic but dangerous. This article delves deep into the recent criticism of India’s judiciary, particularly remarks made by Sanjeev Sanyal, and explores whether such allegations hold ground. It highlights how governance failures, legislative vagueness, and unchecked executive litigation are often the real culprits behind systemic inefficiencies. The aim is to help aspirants understand the complex interlinkages between judiciary, governance, and development, a recurring UPSC theme.

Introduction

The judiciary has long been one of the cornerstones of India’s democracy. Yet, it often finds itself under scrutiny for delays, pendency, and procedural rigidities. The recent remarks by Sanjeev Sanyal, member of the Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council, blaming the judiciary as the “single biggest hurdle” in India’s development, reignited a larger debate: Is the judiciary obstructing growth, or is it merely reflecting systemic governance failures? This question is crucial for UPSC aspirants because it encapsulates multiple administrative, ethical, and policy dimensions, from judicial accountability to executive responsibility and the balance of powers enshrined in the Constitution.

Why in the News?

At the Nyaya Nirman Conference, Sanjeev Sanyal claimed that India’s judiciary is the “single biggest hurdle” to achieving Viksit Bharat within 20–25 years. His comments triggered debate as it was not the first time that the judiciary was blamed for impeding development. What makes it significant is the reduction of a constitutional pillar into a scapegoat — reflecting a wider trend of executive deflection from governance failures. The issue is striking because judicial delays, though real, are often symptoms of legislative imprecision, government over-litigation, and vacant judicial posts, not merely judicial inefficiency.

Is the Judiciary the “Single Biggest Hurdle” to Development?

  1. Oversimplified blame – The criticism ignores that the judiciary merely enforces laws framed by Parliament. For instance, Section 12A of the Commercial Courts Act, 2015 mandates pre-suit mediation — a legislative choice, not a judicial one.
  2. Structural imbalance – Judicial delays stem from vacancies (over 30%), poor digital infrastructure, and overburdened lower courts rather than deliberate obstructionism.
  3. Reality check – India’s judiciary handles one of the world’s heaviest caseloads, with judges hearing 50–100 cases per day, highlighting efficiency within constraints.

What Lies Behind Judicial Delays?

  1. Government as the biggest litigant – The Union and State governments account for nearly 50% of all cases. Tax authorities, ministries, and PSUs appeal even routine orders, consuming judicial time and resources.
  2. Arbitrary tendering & contractual behaviour – Governments frequently breach contracts or impose unreasonable conditions, compelling contractors and citizens to litigate for basic rights.
  3. Vague and outdated laws – Laws are often drafted imprecisely, leading to interpretational disputes. The new criminal laws and upcoming Income-Tax Act recycle old frameworks with cosmetic changes.

Are Courts Overworked or Underworked?

  1. Myth of short working hours – Court sittings (10:30 AM–4 PM) mask the hours of preparatory and post-hearing work, including judgment writing and research.
  2. Vacations misunderstood – Vacations are largely used to complete reserved judgments, not for leisure. Vacation benches continue urgent hearings.
  3. Caseload pressure – District courts bear the brunt, where justice delivery meets the common citizen. High pendency here directly affects the perception of delay.

How Does Poor Law-Making Add to Judicial Burden?

  1. Ambiguity in drafting – The 99-to-1 problem, as noted by Sanyal himself, arises due to poorly framed laws meant to control the 1% of abusers, complicating life for the 99%.
  2. Linguistic confusion – Replacement of terms like “notwithstanding” with “irrespective” in new laws reflects shallow reform, creating fresh waves of litigation rather than clarity.
  3. Superficial reform – Cosmetic renaming (Codes → Sanhitas) in criminal law reform fails to address colonial legacies or procedural inefficiencies.

What is the Broader Message for Governance and Democracy?

  1. Deflecting accountability – Calling courts the bottleneck diverts attention from executive and legislative lapses.
  2. Constitutional balance – Judiciary serves as a check on arbitrary power, ensuring that speed does not override justice.
  3. True development – A “Viksit Bharat” cannot emerge by weakening judicial independence but by strengthening institutional capacity across all pillars of democracy.

Conclusion

Blaming the judiciary for India’s developmental delays is a misdiagnosis of a systemic illness. The judiciary, though imperfect, mirrors the inefficiencies entrenched in India’s governance — from poor drafting and over-litigation to resource neglect. The real challenge lies not in reducing judicial authority but in reforming governance practices, streamlining litigation, and investing in judicial infrastructure. A strong, independent judiciary is not an obstacle but the guarantor of sustainable development and rule of law.

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Foreign Policy Watch: India-Pakistan

[4th October 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: The maritime signalling after Operation Sindoor

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2022] What are the maritime security challenges in India? Discuss the organizational, technical and procedural initiatives taken to improve the maritime security.

Linkage: The post-Operation Sindoor naval manoeuvres highlight India’s evolving response to maritime security challenges, reflecting the same organizational, technical, and procedural upgradation, from indigenous fleet expansion (INS Nistar) to enhanced Indo-Pacific coordination, envisaged in this PYQ.

Mentor’s Comment

Operation Sindoor may have concluded in the skies, but its echoes now reverberate across the sea. With both India and Pakistan recalibrating their naval postures, the maritime domain has emerged as the new theatre of strategic competition. This article explores how post-Sindoor developments from naval manoeuvres to capability upgrades are reshaping deterrence dynamics, inviting questions about escalation control, external involvement, and evolving doctrines in the Indian Ocean.

Introduction

While the standoff with Pakistan in May 2025 ended in the air domain, subsequent developments reveal a strategic shift to the maritime theatre. Both nations are now engaged in assertive naval signalling, deploying assets, testing missiles, and broadcasting intent. India’s Operation Sindoor, initially a demonstration of naval deterrence, has transitioned into a long-term posture recalibration with new vessels, strategic patrols, and sharper rhetoric. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s warning on October 2 about a “resounding response” to any Pakistani misadventure in the Sir Creek region, coupled with Pakistan’s launch of the Hangor-class submarine PNS Mangro and missile tests, underline a renewed contest at sea. This is significant — because for decades, the India-Pakistan rivalry was air and land-focused, not maritime. The sea, it seems, is now the new frontier of strategic signalling.

Why in the News

The post-Operation Sindoor phase marks the first time in decades that India and Pakistan are simultaneously signalling deterrence through sustained maritime manoeuvres, overlapping missile tests, and forward deployments. India has conducted its first joint patrols with the Philippines in the South China Sea and commissioned the indigenously designed INS Nistar. Pakistan, meanwhile, has expanded naval activity from Karachi to Gwadar, launched new submarines and ballistic missiles, and tested the P282 ship-launched missile. This pattern is unprecedented not just in intensity but in its potential to redefine deterrence stability and crisis escalation in the Indian Ocean.

Why is the Maritime Theatre Gaining Strategic Centrality?

  1. Shift from air to sea: After Operation Sindoor’s air engagement, both sides are redirecting deterrence signalling to the Arabian Sea, with forward deployments and missile tests.
  2. Recalibration of naval posture: India’s Operation Sindoor emphasised a forward deterrent posture, a readiness to act first if provoked.
  3. Symbolic rhetoric: Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s statement evoking the 1965 war reinforced the seriousness of India’s deterrent message.

What Signals Are India and Pakistan Sending at Sea?

  1. India’s assertive posture: Through INS Nistar, stealth frigates, and joint patrols, India projects both self-reliance and Indo-Pacific alignment.
  2. Pakistan’s parallel moves: Launch of PNS Mangro, expansion of infrastructure in Sir Creek, and P282 missile tests signify deterrence-by-denial.
  3. Operational friction: Overlapping NOTAMs and live-fire drills, sometimes just 60 nautical miles apart, indicate heightened tension and risk of miscalculation.

How Does the Naval Balance of Power Look Now?

  1. India’s advantage but narrowing: Despite a numerical and geographical edge, India’s fleet faces ageing issues, raising modernization concerns.
  2. Pakistan’s modernization: With Chinese-designed submarines and Babur-class corvettes from Türkiye, Pakistan’s Navy now wields improved radar, EW, and anti-surface weaponry.
  3. Emerging parity: The Navy Chief’s acknowledgment of Pakistan’s “surprising growth” underscores a reality where India’s maritime superiority is no longer absolute.

What Makes Maritime Escalation More Risky?

  1. Harder escalation control: Unlike air skirmishes, naval engagements are slow, continuous, and harder to de-escalate.
  2. Psychological vulnerability: Memories of 1971 naval strikes amplify Pakistan’s sensitivity; even limited Indian action could trigger disproportionate reaction.
  3. Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD): Pakistan’s Gwadar and Karachi hubs serve both operational and psychological roles in denying India unchallenged dominance.
  4. Chinese factor: The PLAN’s presence at Gwadar increases risk of external entanglement in future crises.

Is There an External and Doctrinal Dimension?

  1. China’s role: Chinese involvement in Gwadar and Karachi raises fears of dual-use support during crises.
  2. Türkiye’s growing linkages: Supply and training cooperation with Pakistan diversify its defence dependencies, complicating India’s strategic calculations.
  3. India’s Indo-Pacific strategy: Joint patrols and multilateral engagement hint at a twofold Indian approach, deterrence towards Pakistan and cooperation across the Indo-Pacific.
  4. Doctrinal drift: Both nations risk anchoring strategy in outdated crisis models, despite new technologies like drones and hypersonic missiles changing escalation ladders.

Does the Emerging Maritime Pattern Help or Hurt Stability?

  1. Persistent signalling: Continuous naval presence, unlike air sorties, lingers — shaping adversarial perception and intent.
  2. Learning by observation: Regular drills, while risky, can create mutual operational awareness that paradoxically reduces fog of war.
  3. Dual outcome: The same actions that raise tensions might also stabilize future crises through transparency of capability and doctrine.

Conclusion

Operation Sindoor may have ended, but its maritime aftermath is redrawing South Asia’s deterrence geography. The Arabian Sea has emerged as a stage for calibrated signalling, doctrinal experimentation, and external power play. India faces a dual challenge to assert deterrence without escalation and prepare for future crises where the sea, not the sky, sets the tone. The Indian Navy’s modernization drive, from indigenously designed vessels to Indo-Pacific collaborations, suggests a conscious shift one that seeks to combine strategic restraint with decisive readiness. The sea, long a silent frontier, is now a theatre of both opportunity and peril.

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J&K – The issues around the state

[3rd October 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Should Ladakh get statehood?

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2024] What changes has the Union Government recently introduced in the domain of Centre-State relations? Suggest measures to strengthen federalism.

Linkage: Ladakh’s case reflects the Union’s increasing control over border UTs, where administrative powers lie with the LG and Centre, marginalising local bodies — a recent trend in Centre-State/UT relations. Strengthening federalism requires constitutional safeguards (Sixth Schedule/statehood) and greater devolution of powers and finances to elected institutions.

Mentor’s Comment

The debate on Ladakh’s statehood is not merely about administrative restructuring, it is about the soul of Indian federalism. It combines questions of representation, tribal identity, border security, and constitutional safeguards. This issue is now a case study in balancing national interests with local aspirations.

Introduction

Ladakh, separated from Jammu & Kashmir in 2019 and designated a Union Territory (UT), was expected to gain autonomy and focused development. Instead, it has witnessed deepening resentment. The recent violence in Leh (September 24, 2025), which left four dead and led to the arrest of climate activist Sonam Wangchuck under the NSA, highlights the widening trust deficit. Civil society platforms like the Leh Apex Body (LAB) and the Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA) demand statehood, inclusion under the Sixth Schedule, a Public Service Commission, and separate Lok Sabha representation.

Why in the News?

This is the first major violent episode in Ladakh since its conversion to a UT, bringing the region’s discontent into national focus. While the Centre insists that measures like reservations and recruitment drives are underway, locals argue these are executive orders, not constitutional guarantees. The clash exposes the failure of the UT model in ensuring democratic accountability, despite Ladakh’s strategic importance on the China–Pakistan frontier.

Democratic Deficit in Ladakh

  1. Loss of Voice: Earlier part of J&K Assembly; now Ladakhis cannot influence laws or leadership.
  2. Dominance of Bureaucrats: Short-term officials override local voices, bypassing elected Hill Councils.
  3. Recruitment Vacuum: No Public Service Commission; six years without gazetted officer recruitments.

Tribal and Land Safeguards at Risk

  1. Earlier Protection: Article 370 & 35A guaranteed land and job protections.
  2. Post-2019 Vacuum: Absence of safeguards raises fears of demographic change.
  3. Constitutional Demands: LAB & KDA demand Sixth Schedule — protection for tribal culture, language, land rights, beyond mere executive orders.

Sixth Schedule vs Statehood

  1. Government Stance: Argues Sixth Schedule inclusion is a logical first step before statehood.
  2. Counter View: Sajjad Kargili stresses that Sixth Schedule alone is insufficient; democracy needs statehood.
  3. Delhi Model Analogy: UTs with legislatures (Delhi) show friction with LGs — raising doubts about partial arrangements.

Population and Statehood Question

  1. Centre’s Hesitation: Population (~3.5 lakh) too small for statehood.
  2. Rebuttal: Sikkim (similar population) became a State in 1975; Goa in 1987.
  3. Fragmented Governance: Ladakh’s five new districts have micro-populations (5,000–7,000), making local governance difficult without a state-level structure.

Federalism and Centre-State Relations

  1. Supreme Court Endorsement: Upheld bifurcation of J&K into UTs.
  2. Federal Concerns: Raises questions about top-down imposition of governance models in sensitive areas.
  3. Centre vs Local Bodies: ₹6,000 crore annual budget, but only ₹600 crore devolved to Hill Councils; rest controlled by LG & bureaucrats.

Security Dimensions and Border Considerations

  1. Centre’s Argument: Border sensitivity justifies UT status.
  2. Counterpoint: Punjab, Sikkim, Uttarakhand are border states yet enjoy full statehood.
  3. Chinese Incursion 2020: Occurred post-UT status, undermining the security rationale.

Civil Society Demands and Distrust

  1. Four Core Demands: Statehood, Sixth Schedule, Public Service Commission, dual Lok Sabha seats (Leh & Kargil).
  2. Distrust of MHA: LAB & KDA halted talks, citing cosmetic concessions (women’s reservation, ST reservation) that miss the core demands.
  3. Governance Paralysis: Hill Councils reduced to ceremonial bodies; LG ignores their inputs.

Nationalism vs Allegations of “Anti-national”

  1. Local Sentiment: Ladakhis argue they are patriotic, sacrificing lives to defend frontiers.
  2. Mistrust Campaign: Trolls label them pro-China/pro-Pakistan, deepening alienation.
  3. Identity Politics: Perceived delegitimisation fuels separatist tendencies — dangerous for a border region.

Comparative Perspectives

  1. Delhi & Puducherry: UTs with legislatures — persistent Centre-LG tussle.
  2. North-East Sixth Schedule States: Despite safeguards, autonomy diluted by weak implementation.
  3. Statehood as Trust-Building: Granting Ladakh statehood could mirror past steps where integration was strengthened by empowerment (Sikkim, Mizoram).

Conclusion

The Ladakh case underscores that federalism is not only about administrative convenience but about trust-building. Sixth Schedule inclusion may provide interim safeguards, but without democratic statehood, Ladakh risks remaining voiceless. The challenge before India is to ensure that Ladakhis, guardians of a strategic frontier, feel like equal partners in the Union, not subjects of bureaucratic rule.

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[1st October 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: A 100-year journey as the guardian of meritocracy

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2018] The Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) has a very vital role to play. Explain how this is reflected in the method and terms of his appointment as well as the range of powers he can exercise.

Linkage: Such constitutional bodies, like UPSC, completing 100 years, are often asked in exams, similar to questions on CAG’s appointment, tenure, and powers, highlighting the significance of understanding their independence and functions.

Mentor’s Comment

On October 1, the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) completed a century of its establishment. From its inception under colonial rule to its present role as the guardian of meritocracy in independent India, the Commission has stood as a symbol of fairness, trust, and integrity in governance. As aspirants preparing for UPSC Civil Services Examination (CSE), understanding the history, philosophy, challenges, and reforms of this institution is vital — not just as knowledge, but also as inspiration for your own journey.

Introduction

The UPSC is more than an examining body; it is an institution that embodies the idea of equal opportunity, fairness, and trust in public life. Established in 1926, it has evolved through colonial, constitutional, and modern phases, transforming into one of the most complex yet respected recruitment agencies in the world. Conducting one of the toughest examinations with lakhs of aspirants each year, it ensures that merit alone decides entry into the highest echelons of governance. As the UPSC turns 100, this milestone is both a celebration of its legacy and a reflection on the road ahead.

The Historical Foundations of UPSC

  1. Colonial beginnings (1926): Set up as the Public Service Commission following the Lee Commission’s recommendations (1924), initially with limited powers.
  2. Government of India Act 1935: Elevated to Federal Public Service Commission, giving Indians a greater role.
  3. Constitutional status (1950): Became UPSC, enshrined in the Constitution as an independent institution to safeguard meritocracy.

What makes UPSC a Pillar of Fairness and Trust?

  1. Trust: Millions of aspirants rely on its transparency and impartiality; success depends solely on merit.
  2. Integrity: UPSC has remained insulated from political/external pressures, maintaining confidentiality and resisting malpractice.
  3. Fairness: Provides a level playing field — urban/rural, rich/poor, English/non-English — ensuring inclusivity in a diverse nation.
  4. Philosophy: Embodies the spirit of the Bhagavad Gītā — performing duty with rigor and detachment from outcomes.

Why is the UPSC Examination Unique Globally?

  1. Scale: From 10–12 lakh prelim applicants annually to final merit lists through multi-stage filtering.
  2. Diversity: 48 optional subjects, 22 languages, making it the world’s most sophisticated competitive exam.
  3. Logistics: Prelims across 2,500+ venues; complex distribution for Mains subject papers across the country.
  4. Equity: Special arrangements for differently-abled candidates.
  5. Resilience: Seamless functioning even during COVID-19.

How Has UPSC Expanded the ‘Indian Dream’?

  1. Democratization: Once elite-centric, now aspirants come from remotest districts and underprivileged regions.
  2. Opportunity: UPSC embodies the idea that talent + hard work can overcome barriers.
  3. Nation-building: Its selected civil servants have steered India through crises, reforms, environmental challenges, and growth.

Who are the Unsung Heroes Behind UPSC?

  1. Paper-setters and evaluators: Finest academics and experts, anonymous contributors ensuring fairness.
  2. Role: Guarantee quality, unbiased assessment, and rigorous standards, remaining away from recognition.

What Reforms Define UPSC’s Future-readiness?

  1. Digital modernization: Online application portal, face-recognition tech to prevent impersonation.
  2. PRATIBHA Setu initiative: Creates job opportunities for those who clear interview but miss the final list.
  3. Use of AI: To enhance efficiency and transparency without compromising integrity.
  4. Commitment: Adaptation to global disruptions in governance while preserving fairness.

Conclusion

The UPSC is not merely an examining authority; it is the guardian of meritocracy and a living institution embodying India’s faith in fairness and justice. As it celebrates its centenary, the challenge lies in preserving its values while adapting to a rapidly transforming world. For aspirants, the story of UPSC is not only an institutional history but also a guiding philosophy — to work with perseverance, detachment, and integrity.

Value Addition 

Constitutional Framework of UPSC (Articles 315–323)

Establishment (Art. 315)

  1. UPSC for the Union and State Public Service Commissions (SPSC) for each state.
  2. Ensures independent and impartial recruitment of civil servants.

Appointment of Members and Chairman (Art. 316)

  1. Chairman appointed by the President of India.
  2. Members appointed by the President.
  3. Qualifications: Not specified; expected to have experience in administration, academics, or law.

Removal and Suspension (Art. 317)

  • Chairman or members can only be removed by President on:
    1. Proven misbehavior (after Supreme Court inquiry)
    2. Incapacity
    3. Protection ensures independence from political pressure.

Conditions of Service (Art. 318)

  1. President regulates terms of service, pay, allowances, and pensions of chairman and members.
  2. Members can resign with prior notice.

Cessation of Office (Art. 319): Member ceases to hold office on:

  1. Completion of tenure
  2. Resignation
  3. Removal under Art. 317

Functions of UPSC (Art. 320)

  1. Recruitment: Conduct examinations for All India and Group A & B services.
  2. Promotions and Transfers: Advises government on appointments, promotions, and transfers.
  3. Disciplinary Matters: Advises on punishment or removal of civil servants.
  4. Advisory Role: Any service-related matters referred by the government.

Extension of Functions (Art. 321)

  1. Parliament or State Legislature can expand UPSC’s functions.

Budgetary Provisions (Art. 322)

  1. Expenses of UPSC charged on Consolidated Fund of India — ensures financial autonomy.

Reporting to President/Parliament (Art. 323)

  1. Annual and special reports submitted to President.
  2. President places them before Parliament along with comments.

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Foreign Policy Watch: India-Africa

[30th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: SSTC is more than a diplomatic phrase

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2021] If the last few decades were of Asia’s growth story, the next few are expected to be of Africa’s.” In the light of this statement, examine India’s influence in Africa in recent years.

Linkage: South-South Cooperation is the foundation of India–Africa engagement. India’s role in Africa through capacity building (ITEC), concessional credit, food security projects, and the India-UN Development Partnership Fund reflects SSTC principles of mutual respect, replicability, and shared growth, positioning India as a partner in Africa’s expected rise.

Mentor’s Comment

With only a fraction of time left to achieve the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals, the global community is exploring new models of partnership. South-South and Triangular Cooperation (SSTC) has emerged as a vital mechanism, providing frugal, replicable, and contextually relevant solutions. India, rooted in the philosophy of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, has positioned itself as a leader in this space, particularly in food security, digital transformation, and inclusive growth. This article unpacks the significance of SSTC, India’s role, and why this cooperative model is central to a more equitable world order.

Introduction

The United Nations Day for South-South and Triangular Cooperation (September 12) commemorates the 1978 Buenos Aires Plan of Action (BAPA), which laid the foundation for solidarity-based cooperation among developing nations. Far from being a mere diplomatic phrase, SSTC today is a lifeline for billions, offering cost-effective, innovative, and scalable models of development at a time when traditional aid flows are shrinking. India, with its rich developmental experience and global outreach, is shaping the SSTC discourse through initiatives like the India-UN Development Partnership Fund, Voice of the Global South Summits, and collaboration with the World Food Programme (WFP).

Why in the News?

SSTC has gained renewed significance as the world approaches the 2030 deadline for SDGs with urgency, amid declining international aid and mounting challenges like climate change, conflict, and inequality. For the first time, SSTC is being recognised not merely as supplemental but as a core pathway to equitable and sustainable global development. India’s leadership — from digital public infrastructure exports to food system innovations like Grain ATMs and rice fortification, has transformed it into a hub of replicable global solutions. The 2025 UN Day theme, “New Opportunities and Innovation through SSTC”, underscores this transition, making the issue both timely and transformative.

India’s Role and Philosophy of Cooperation

  1. Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam: India’s developmental philosophy sees the world as one family, placing emphasis on sovereignty, equality, and mutual respect.
  2. Transition to food surplus: Once a food-deficit nation, India now runs one of the world’s largest food safety nets, offering models for the Global South.
  3. Global leadership: From hosting the Voice of the Global South Summits to securing AU’s membership in the G20, India promotes inclusivity in global governance.

What is the Relevance of SSTC Today?

  1. Cost-effectiveness: SSTC provides better returns on investment at a time when funding for humanitarian and development sectors is shrinking.
  2. Replicability and relevance: Local innovations like India’s food distribution optimisation or UPI have global application.
  3. Solidarity-based model: Unlike traditional aid, SSTC is grounded in mutual respect and shared learning, crucial for trust-building in the Global South.

How Has India Contributed to SSTC?

  1. Institutional frameworks: India set up the Development Partnership Administration in its Foreign Ministry to coordinate development partnerships.
  2. Capacity-building: Through the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) programme, India has trained professionals in 160+ countries.
  3. India-UN Development Partnership Fund: Established in 2017, it has financed 75 transformative projects across 56 developing countries, especially LDCs and SIDS.
  4. Digital diplomacy: Export of Aadhaar, UPI, and digital infrastructure models as low-cost, inclusive tools.

What Role Has the India-WFP Partnership Played?

  1. Testing ground for innovations: Over 60 years, India served as a laboratory for WFP to pilot globally relevant solutions.
  2. Grain ATMs (Annapurti): Automated grain dispensing machines ensuring efficient access to food.
  3. Supply chain optimisation: Strengthened the PDS through digitalisation.
  4. Women-led Take-Home Ration programme: Empowering communities while tackling malnutrition.
  5. Rice fortification: India’s national initiative to enhance nutrition replicated in countries like Nepal and Laos.

How Does Triangular Cooperation Add Value?

  1. Linking South-South with North-South: Brings in traditional donors, amplifying resources and best practices.
  2. Inclusive partnerships: Extends beyond governments to involve civil society, private sector, and grassroots communities.
  3. UN Fund contributions: Over the last three decades, 47 governments have funded projects in 70+ countries, benefiting people in 155 nations.

Conclusion

SSTC embodies a renewed spirit of partnership, rooted in equality, mutual respect, and innovation. For countries of the Global South, it is not merely a diplomatic mechanism but a pathway to resilience and empowerment. India’s leadership in digital public goods, food security, and inclusive governance has given SSTC tangible models of success. As the 2030 deadline looms, scaling such innovations and ensuring triangular cooperation will be crucial for achieving a sustainable and equitable world order.

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Artificial Intelligence (AI) Breakthrough

[29th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: An Engel’s pause in an AI-shaped world

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2023] Introduce the concept of Artificial Intelligence (AI). How does AI help clinical diagnosis? Do you perceive any threat to privacy of the individual in the use of AI in the healthcare?

Linkage: This question reflects the exact dilemma discussed in the Engels’ pause analogy—AI promises higher productivity (e.g., clinical diagnosis, efficiency) but without governance, the welfare gains (privacy, equitable access, trust) may lag, creating social costs.

Mentor’s Comment

The rise of Artificial Intelligence (AI) is hailed as the new Industrial Revolution, but as Geoffrey Hinton warns, it could also deepen inequality by making a few rich while leaving the majority poorer. This paradox, reminiscent of Friedrich Engels’ 19th-century observation, raises a pressing question for policymakers: Are we entering a modern “Engels’ pause” where productivity soars but living standards stagnate? For UPSC aspirants, this debate is central to GS 1 (industrial revolution parallels), GS 2 (governance), GS 3 (technology, economy), and GS 4 (ethics of equity in innovation).

Introduction

The concept of an Engels’ pause, coined by economist Robert Allen, describes a historical paradox in 19th-century Britain: industrial output grew rapidly, yet wages stagnated, food prices soared, and inequality widened. The benefits of industrialization reached the majority only after decades, with reforms and institutional adjustments.

Today, AI as a general-purpose technology (GPT)—akin to steam power, electricity, or the internet—brings unprecedented productivity potential but also risks replicating this paradox. With Nobel Laureate Geoffrey Hinton warning of AI enriching a few at the expense of many, and evidence of uneven benefits emerging globally, the Engels’ pause metaphor becomes a crucial analytical lens.

Why in the News?

Artificial Intelligence is reshaping global economies, but early signs suggest a disconnect between productivity gains and broad-based prosperity. A recent Stanford study showed younger workers are more vulnerable to AI displacement, while an Indian IT giant laid off 12,000 employees in its AI pivot. Meanwhile, a MIT study revealed that 95% of AI pilots are failing to deliver visible gains due to weak complementary capabilities. In the Philippines, call centres recorded 30–50% productivity jumps with AI copilots, yet wages stagnated and workloads intensified. PwC forecasts AI could add $15.7 trillion to global GDP by 2030, but gains are concentrated in a few countries and firms. These developments highlight the possibility of an AI-induced Engels’ pause, making it a critical debate for global governance.

Are We Facing a Modern Engels’ Pause?

  1. Historical Parallels: Like 19th-century Britain, current AI-driven growth risks benefiting capital over labour, delaying welfare gains for the majority.
  2. Vulnerable Workers: Stanford research shows younger workers are most exposed to AI disruptions.
  3. Sectoral Displacement: IT, healthcare, education, and even government (e.g., Albania’s AI Minister) are witnessing job/task reconfigurations.

What Are the Markers of an AI Engels’ Pause?

  1. Stagnant Wages despite Productivity Gains: Philippines call centres show higher efficiency but little improvement in wages.
  2. Rising Costs of Complements: Cloud computing, retraining, coding bootcamps, and cybersecurity raise the “price of staying relevant”.
  3. Unequal Distribution of Gains: PwC’s $15.7 trillion AI GDP addition is concentrated in the U.S., China, and a few tech firms. IMF (2024) warns 40% of global jobs are AI-exposed, with advanced economies at greater risk of skilled substitution.
  4. Intensified Inequality: Research on India shows stronger IPR regimes widened wage inequality during tech races.

How Can Governance Break the Pause?

  1. Skilling and Transition Models: Singapore’s SkillsFuture programme and MBZUAI (world’s first AI university) highlight proactive reskilling.
  2. Redistribution Tools: Robot taxes and Universal Basic Income (UBI) pilots in the UK and EU aim to channel AI rents toward social welfare.
  3. AI Infrastructure as Public Good: Compute and data should be democratized; initiatives like K2Think.ai (UAE) and Apertus (Switzerland) are steps in building open, public AI models.

Why This Time Might Be Different

  1. Stronger Welfare Systems: Unlike 19th-century Britain, today’s democracies have safety nets and global institutions.
  2. Rapid Diffusion of Technology: Smartphones reached billions within a decade; AI could follow a similar trajectory.
  3. Potential Social Benefits: AI could lower costs in healthcare, education, and energy if deployed equitably.

Conclusion

The Engels’ pause analogy underscores a profound warning: productivity gains do not automatically translate into welfare improvements. AI governance, skilling programmes, redistribution mechanisms, and public-good infrastructure will determine whether AI becomes a human welfare revolution rather than just a productivity revolution. Political will, not just technological breakthroughs, will decide if this pause is short-lived or prolonged.

Value Addition

Scholarly References and Thinkers

  1. Robert C. Allen (2009): Coined Engels’ Pause in economic history; wages stagnated despite industrial productivity growth in 19th-century Britain.
  2. Nicholas Crafts (2021): Noted that GPTs like AI need institutional reforms and complementary innovations before welfare spreads.
  3. Bojan Jovanovic & Rousseau (2005): Documented “technology shocks” in U.S. economy → initial dislocation before long-term growth.
  4. Geoffrey Hinton (2024, FT Interview): Warned AI may “make a few rich and the rest poorer.”
  5. Agrawal, Gans & Goldfarb (2018): Defined AI as lowering the cost of prediction.

Key Reports and Data Points

  1. PwC Report (2018): AI could add $15.7 trillion to global GDP by 2030; 70% of gains concentrated in U.S. and China.
  2. IMF Report (2024): 40% of global jobs are AI-exposed; higher risk of high-skilled substitution in advanced economies.
  3. MIT Study (2023): Found that 95% of AI pilot projects failed to show visible gains due to lack of complementary capabilities.
  4. Stanford Study (2023): “Canaries in the Coal Mine” → younger workers are most vulnerable to AI disruption.
  5. OECD AI Principles (2019): Global governance framework emphasising fairness, transparency, accountability.

International Best Practices / Programs

  1. Singapore – SkillsFuture (2015): Provides continuous education credits for workers to reskill; considered a global model.
  2. UAE – Mohamed bin Zayed University of AI (MBZUAI, 2019): World’s first dedicated AI university.
  3. European Union – AI Act (2021 Draft): Risk-based framework regulating AI applications.
  4. United Kingdom – UBI Experiments: Pilots to test redistribution of tech-driven wealth.
  5. Albania – First AI Minister (2024): Institutional adoption of AI governance in public administration.

Indian Context and Initiatives

  1. NITI Aayog’s National Strategy on AI (2018): “AI for All” approach—priority areas: healthcare, education, agriculture, mobility.
  2. Digital India Programme: Expanding digital infrastructure to enable AI adoption.
  3. National Programme on AI (2019): Envisioned as a Center of Excellence ecosystem for skilling, research, and governance.
  4. NASSCOM FutureSkills Prime: Public–private initiative to reskill 2 million professionals in emerging tech, including AI.
  5. IndiaAI Portal (2023): Central knowledge hub for AI use cases and policy discussions.

Key Concepts for Thematic Depth

  1. General-Purpose Technology (GPT): Technologies with cross-sectoral transformative impact (steam, electricity, internet, AI).
  2. Complementary Innovations: Need for institutional reforms, new tasks, and human capital for GPT diffusion.
  3. Job Polarisation: Middle-skill jobs displaced → low-skill and high-skill jobs expand; seen in OECD labour markets.
  4. Robot Tax (Bill Gates’ Proposal): Idea of taxing automation to fund welfare.
  5. Universal Basic Income (UBI): Redistribution mechanism to tackle inequality in tech-driven economies.

Comparative Historical Perspective

  1. Industrial Revolution (19th c. Britain): Productivity rose but welfare stagnated → Engels’ Pause.
  2. Gilded Age (U.S.): Huge inequality, labour unrest; later corrected via welfare state reforms.
  3. Digital Revolution (1990s): Internet adoption uneven; productivity surge lagged behind wages initially.

Ethical and Governance Dimensions

  1. Equity and Justice (GS4): AI could worsen inequality unless governed inclusively.
  2. Privacy: Particularly sensitive in healthcare (HIPAA in U.S.; India’s Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023).
  3. Transparency: AI “black box” models challenge accountability.
  4. Democratic Deficit: AI development is corporate-heavy; needs citizen-centric governance.

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Port Infrastructure and Shipping Industry – Sagarmala Project, SDC, CEZ, etc.

[27th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Incentives for shipbuilding must include longterm offtake possibilities

PYQ Relevance:

[UPSC 2013] Adoption of PPP model for infrastructure development of the country has not been free from criticism. Critically discuss the pros and cons of the PPP model.

Linkage: India’s shipbuilding revival package too hinges on state support plus private shipowner participation, much like PPP projects, where delays, cost overruns, and weak ancillary ecosystems mirror the criticisms of PPP in other infrastructure sectors. Thus, the editorial’s concerns on viability and long-term offtake directly resonate with PPP model challenges.

[UPSC 2022] What are the maritime security challenges in India? Discuss the organisational, technical and procedural initiatives taken to improve the maritime security.

Linkage: Strengthening indigenous shipbuilding directly supports maritime security, as a larger and modern merchant fleet reduces reliance on foreign vessels, ensures secure energy transport, and complements India’s naval and coastal defence preparedness.

Mentor’s Comment

The Government’s announcement of a ₹69,725 crore package to revive India’s shipbuilding ecosystem marks a crucial moment for maritime infrastructure. With India building only a handful of merchant ships in the last decade despite global growth, the new push signals both opportunity and urgency. The challenge lies in transforming policy incentives into real competitiveness, something India failed to do under the 2015 package.

Introduction

India aspires to emerge as a global maritime power, but its shipbuilding sector has lagged far behind peers like China, Japan, and South Korea. While lucrative defence contracts have kept select shipyards active, India’s merchant ship production remains negligible. The new package seeks to expand capacity to 4.5 million gross tonnage, modernise yards, and create ancillary clusters. However, unless structural inefficiencies are addressed, ranging from delays in turnaround to absence of long-term offtake, the initiative risks becoming another missed opportunity.

Why in the News

The government has announced a massive ₹69,725 crore revival package to replace the expiring 2015 shipbuilding scheme. This is significant because, despite subsidies earlier, India produced only about half-a-dozen merchant ships in 10 years, a glaring failure when global yards deliver ships in just a year. The new plan aims to overcome these bottlenecks by upgrading infrastructure, ancillaries, and financing structures. The contrast between global efficiency (3–4 months keel to launch) and India’s 2–3 years turnaround highlights the magnitude of the problem.

The Scale of the Problem

  1. Negligible merchant shipbuilding: Only half-a-dozen small ships built in the last decade.
  2. Long delays: Turnaround time of 2–3 years in India vs 1 year globally.
  3. Lack of competitiveness: Shipowners avoid Indian yards due to sunk capital and overruns.

Global Best Practices in Shipbuilding

  1. Korea, Japan, China lead: Prefabricated component blocks welded in large assembly-line yards.
  2. High-capacity cranes: 1,000-tonne cranes enable block movement in foreign shipyards.
  3. Speed & efficiency: Keel-to-waterborne in 3–4 months; full build in about 1 year.

India’s Bottlenecks

  1. Inadequate infrastructure: Indian yards too small, lack crane capacity and prefab space.
  2. Weak ancillary ecosystem: Absence of robust component manufacturing clusters.
  3. Finance limitations: Benefits of lower interest rates & extended repayment apply only to large vessels.

Missed Opportunities in Policy Integration

  1. Green fuel projects: Kakinada & Kochi developing production for exports but no linkage with green shipbuilding.
  2. Lack of long-term offtake: Shipowners lack demand visibility; without assured contracts, newbuild investments stall.

The Way Forward

  1. Cluster-based development: Establish ancillary industries around shipyards for supply chains.
  2. Capacity building: Training institutions on lines of China to create skilled manpower.
  3. Policy synergy: Link green shipping contracts with renewable fuel policies.
  4. Long-term contracts: Use State-owned utilities and oil companies’ chartering needs to guarantee orders.

Conclusion

India stands at a decisive moment. A robust maritime ecosystem can secure energy lifelines, generate employment, and project India’s presence as a global power. The ₹69,725 crore package is promising, but unless structural inefficiencies, ancillary gaps, and demand visibility issues are resolved, it risks going the way of the failed 2015 policy. Success lies not merely in incentives but in creating a seamless ecosystem of infrastructure, skills, finance, and guaranteed demand.

Value Addition

Data Points and Targets

  1. ₹69,725 crore package: A substantial commitment that signals government seriousness.
  2. Capacity goal: 4.5 million gross tonnage: Puts India on a higher trajectory, though still far below shipbuilding giants like China and South Korea.
  3. Current state: Only half-a-dozen merchant ships built in 10 years, showcasing India’s negligible share in global shipbuilding.

Policy Continuity and Course Correction

  1. 2015 Shipbuilding Financial Assistance Policy: Provided subsidies and financing incentives but failed to attract private shipowners due to delays and lack of ancillary ecosystem.
  2. 2025 Package: Designed as a replacement, expiring in March 2026 → reflects a policy learning curve and government recognition that capital subsidy alone cannot solve systemic inefficiencies.

Comparative Insights

Global benchmarks:

  1. Korea/Japan/China → Keel-to-waterborne in 3–4 months; full build in 1 year.
  2. India → 2–3 years, meaning two additional years of sunk capital for shipowners.
  3. Infrastructure gap: Foreign yards use 1,000-tonne cranes and prefab assembly lines, while Indian yards lack such capacities.

Linkage with Atmanirbhar Bharat & Make in India

  1. Strategic autonomy: India relies heavily on foreign-built merchant fleets; indigenous shipbuilding aligns with Atmanirbhar Bharat.
  2. Employment multiplier: Shipbuilding is a labour-intensive sector with downstream benefits in steel, electronics, design, and logistics.
  3. Ancillary clusters: Policy push for ecosystem development resonates with the cluster-based growth approach seen in auto and pharma sectors.

Strategic and Security Relevance

  1. Energy lifelines: India’s crude oil and coal imports (~80% and ~45% dependence respectively) require long-term fleet security.
  2. Green transition: Linkage of shipbuilding with India’s green hydrogen/ammonia exports (Kakinada, Kochi projects) can make India a global hub for green shipping.
  3. Maritime security: A stronger indigenous merchant fleet reduces vulnerability to global freight disruptions and strengthens India’s position in the Indo-Pacific.

Broader Economic Linkages

  1. Financing ecosystem: Recognising shipbuilding as “infrastructure” lowers cost of credit → aligns with long-term financing reforms.
  2. Trade competitiveness: Owning merchant ships reduces foreign exchange outflow in charter hire and freight payments.
  3. Technology upgradation: Push towards prefab block construction → spinoffs for other infrastructure and defence industries.

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North-East India – Security and Developmental Issues

[26th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Eight North-Eastern states with International borders, 0.13% of exports

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2024] India has a long and troubled border with China and Pakistan, fraught with contentious issues. Examine the conflicting issues and security challenges along the border. Also give out the development being undertaken in these areas under the Border Area Development Programme (BADP) and Border Infrastructure and Management (BIM) Scheme.

Linkage: This PYQ on BADP/BIM links with the article’s focus on the Northeast, where 5,400 km of borders yield only 0.13% exports. Both stress that borders must be treated as developmental, not just security, frontiers — a recurring UPSC theme.

Mentor’s Comment

India’s trade story is dominated by coastal powerhouses, while the Northeast, despite its 5,400 km of international borders and strategic location, contributes a meagre 0.13% of exports. The recent 25% U.S. tariff on Indian goods has exposed not just external vulnerabilities but also deep structural and spatial imbalances in India’s trade economy. This article dissects the marginalisation of the Northeast in India’s export architecture, the missed opportunities in border trade, and the urgent need to diversify resilience across regions.

Introduction

When the United States imposed an additional 25% tariff on imports from India in August 2025, New Delhi responded with restraint, continuing its familiar strategy of quiet diplomacy. But beneath this diplomatic choreography lies a deeper crisis: India’s export economy is dangerously centralised. While four States, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka, account for more than 70% of exports, the entire Northeast contributes only 0.13%, despite sharing long borders with multiple countries and lying at the crossroads of South and Southeast Asia. This exclusion is not incidental but structural, reflecting decades of neglect in infrastructure, policy, and representation.

Why is this in the news?

The U.S. tariff hike of 25% against India is significant not just for its external trade implications but for the internal fault lines it exposes. For the first time, the spotlight has shifted from India-U.S. friction to India’s own spatial imbalance in trade. Striking numbers illustrate the scale of the problem: Gujarat alone contributes 33% of exports, while eight northeastern States together contribute only 0.13%. This stark contrast shows that India negotiates global trade deals while leaving its eastern frontier out of the economic map. It highlights a major failure in policy design, where infrastructure and incentives remain clustered in a few industrial enclaves, leaving large swathes of the country economically orphaned.

Why is India’s export economy so centralised?

  1. Export concentration: Gujarat, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka together account for over 70% of exports, with Gujarat alone contributing 33%.
  2. Policy alignment: Infrastructure, political continuity, and incentives have been systematically channelled to these States.
  3. Peripheral neglect: Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh together contribute barely 5%, showing how populous regions remain trade lightweights.

Why does the Northeast remain marginalised in trade?

  1. Minuscule share: Eight northeastern States, despite 5,400 km of international borders, contribute only 0.13% of exports.
  2. Security apparatus over trade: Borders are securitised for counterinsurgency, not for commerce. Goods do not move, but surveillance forces do.
  3. Policy exclusion: No representation from the Northeast in the PM’s Economic Advisory Council or the Board of Trade.
  4. Ignored in planning: The DGFT’s 2024 export strategy ran into 87 pages without a single mention of Northeast corridors.

What are the ground-level impacts of neglect?

  1. Tea economy in crisis: Assam produces over half of India’s tea output, but branding and packaging are almost absent. A 25% tariff hike threatens viability, with planters in Dibrugarh warning of job losses.
  2. Oil vulnerability: Numaligarh Refinery’s expansion requires imports, increasingly relying on discounted Russian crude. U.S. sanctions risk choking supplies, with Golaghat bearing the brunt, not Mumbai.

How has border trade with Myanmar collapsed?

  1. Vanishing corridors: Zokhawthar (Mizoram) and Moreh (Manipur) have withered into skeletal outposts.
  2. Free Movement Regime scrapped (2024): Severed kinship ties, daily trade, and hill economies.
  3. Performative infrastructure: Roads and customs offices exist on paper, cold-chain facilities are missing.
  4. Security logic over market demand: Borders function more as containment grids than trade hubs.

How does global context deepen India’s challenge?

  1. China’s influence: Consolidating control in northern Myanmar through infrastructure investments and militia alliances.
  2. India’s inertia: The India-Myanmar-Thailand Highway remains unfinished, symbolic of missed opportunities.
  3. Global supply chains shifting: Southeast Asia builds new corridors, but India clings to colonial-era coastal routes.

What does this reveal about India’s trade resilience?

  1. Dependence on few corridors: A flood in Gujarat or strike in Tamil Nadu can paralyse exports.
  2. Northeast excluded by design: Not just oversight, but structural neglect in infrastructure, logistics, and institutions.
  3. Strategic hollowness: India claims Indo-Pacific leadership but leaves its eastern flank brittle and disconnected.

Conclusion

India cannot aspire to regional leadership while its Northeast remains economically orphaned. The 25% U.S. tariffs are not just a foreign policy irritant but a reminder that trade resilience must mean dispersion, not dependence. The Northeast needs roads, warehouses, and representation, not rhetoric. Integrating this frontier into the export map is essential for both economic equity and strategic credibility. Without it, India risks negotiating global trade while ignoring the geographies that could anchor its cohesion.

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Urban Floods

[25th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Follow the rains, not the calendar to fight floods

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2016] The frequency of urban floods due to high-intensity rainfall is increasing over the years. Discussing the reasons for urban floods, highlight the mechanisms for preparedness to reduce the risk during such events.

Linkage: This PYQ is directly linked to the article as both focus on increasing urban floods due to high-intensity, untimely rainfall and the need for better preparedness. It is important for UPSC as it tests understanding of climate change impacts, urban governance, and disaster management, all of which the article highlights through outdated drainage design, rainfall compression, and the need to “follow the rains, not the calendar.

Mentor’s Comment

Urban floods are no longer seasonal accidents; they are recurring crises that expose the mismatch between traditional planning calendars and the realities of a changing climate. This article unpacks the failures of outdated urban flood management and suggests a roadmap for building resilient cities. Aspirants must note its direct relevance to GS 1 (urbanisation), GS 2 (governance), GS 3 (disaster management, environment), and GS 4 (ethics in governance).

Introduction

Every monsoon, India’s cities brace for floods with desilting of drains, deploying contractors, and activating emergency protocols. Yet, reality unfolds differently, roads submerge, homes flood, and transport grinds to a halt. The core problem lies not only in the intensity and unpredictability of rainfall but also in city systems designed for a climate that no longer exists. Urban resilience now demands shifting from “seasonal schedules” to real-time rainfall preparedness.

Why in the News?

This year, northern states like Punjab (all 23 districts), Delhi, and Gurugram witnessed severe floods in September, well beyond the traditional monsoon period. Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh saw frequent cloudbursts, while Kolkata faced torrential rains. Such untimely, intense, and regionally widespread flooding marks a sharp departure from past rainfall behaviour. With single floods now causing damages worth ₹8,700 crore, the urgency to rethink urban flood management cannot be overstated.

Understanding Changing Rainfall Patterns

  1. Shift in Timing: Mumbai recorded 135.4 mm rainfall in May (normally a pre-monsoon month), followed by 161.9 mm the next day. Delhi saw 81 mm fall in a few hours, overwhelming drains.
  2. Rise in Frequency: CEEW analysis shows 64% of tehsils across states like Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Gujarat, and Karnataka have seen heavy rainfall days increase by 1–15 days.
  3. Compression of Rainfall: Rainfall that earlier spanned a day is now compressed into hours, intensifying floods.

Why are Indian Cities Flooding so Frequently?

  1. Outdated Drainage Design: Systems still rely on seasonal averages rather than short-duration, high-intensity rain data.
  2. Unmanaged Waste: Plastic and debris block drains; even after desilting, poor waste collection leads to quick clogging.
  3. Poor Coordination: Storm water, sanitation, and municipal waste departments work in silos, creating gaps in preparedness.
  4. Static Planning: Drainage infrastructure often relies on rainfall data decades old, ignoring evolving IDF (Intensity-Duration-Frequency) curves.

What Solutions are Proposed?

  1. Sub-daily Rainfall Analysis: Municipalities must adopt rainfall data in smaller time frames (1–3 hours) to plan drainage.
  2. Drainage-Waste Synchronisation: Waste collection and drain cleaning must be coordinated; rainfall alerts should trigger joint drives.
  3. Updating IDF Curves: Curves must be revised every 5–10 years; new drainage should factor in topography and micro-catchments.
  4. Infrastructure Upgradation: Example – BMC’s plan to widen drains to handle 120 mm/hour rainfall and prepare a new drainage master plan.
  5. Separate Sewerage and Stormwater Networks: To prevent overload and improve efficiency.

Broader Implications for Urban Planning

  1. Disaster Management: Floods are now the leading cause of life and property loss among natural disasters in India.
  2. Economic Impact: Each major flood inflicts damages of nearly ₹8,700 crore.
  3. Climate Resilience: Cities must adapt to “rain already falling” instead of waiting for calendar-based monsoon onset.

Conclusion

India is not losing to rain, but to outdated assumptions about rain. The fight against urban floods requires breaking the illusion of a uniform monsoon season. By following the rain, not the calendar, cities can design adaptive infrastructure, improve inter-departmental coordination, and protect citizens’ lives and livelihoods.

Value Addition

Case Study: Vijayawada’s Monsoon Response Teams

  • Integrated approach: The city administration created special monsoon response teams that brought together officials from the sanitation, engineering, and planning departments to work in coordination during high-risk rainy periods.
  • Real-time action: Instead of relying on rigid seasonal schedules, these teams responded dynamically to rainfall alerts and forecasts, immediately conducting joint sanitation drives and drain inspections.
  • Drainage & waste sync: Garbage clearance and storm water drain cleaning were aligned, preventing freshly desilted drains from being blocked again by unmanaged waste.
  • Impact: This reduced waterlogging and urban flooding, improved road accessibility, and lessened health risks for residents during monsoons.
  • Learning: Vijayawada shows how inter-departmental coordination, proactive planning, and rainfall-triggered response systems can make cities more resilient to changing monsoon patterns.

Global Context in Urban Flood Management

Rotterdam, Netherlands – “Room for the River” approach

  • Idea: Instead of resisting water, the city creates water plazas that double as playgrounds during dry weather and hold excess rainwater during storms.
  • Infrastructure: Underground reservoirs, widened canals, and lowered floodplains to absorb water.
  • Learning: Shows the importance of adaptive urban design that accommodates rainfall variability.

Copenhagen, Denmark – Cloudburst Management Plan

  • Trigger: After a massive cloudburst in 2011 caused $1 billion in damages.
  • Action: Developed over 300 projects including green roofs, permeable pavements, detention basins, and blue-green corridors that store and channel stormwater.
  • Learning: Proactive planning with a mix of nature-based and engineered solutions.

New York City, USA – Green Infrastructure Plan

  • Focus: Reduce stormwater runoff that overwhelms combined sewer systems.
  • Measures: Rain gardens, bioswales, green roofs, permeable streets to capture rainfall locally.
  • Learning: Urban flooding is not just a drainage issue but requires land-use and design-based solutions.

Singapore – ABC Waters Programme (Active, Beautiful, Clean)

  • Approach: Transforms canals, rivers, and drains into multifunctional spaces.
  • Measures: Retention ponds, vegetated swales, rain gardens integrated with urban landscapes.
  • Learning: Integrates aesthetics, ecology, and flood management, showing flood resilience can coexist with urban beauty.

Tokyo, Japan – Underground Flood Tunnels (G-Cans Project)

  • Infrastructure: World’s largest underground floodwater diversion facility with 6.5 km tunnels and giant silos to store stormwater.
  • Impact: Protects Tokyo’s dense urban areas from typhoon rains and river overflow.
  • Learning: Mega-engineering projects can be effective in high-density megacities with extreme rainfall.

 

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Freedom of Speech – Defamation, Sedition, etc.

[24th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Criminal Defamation is incompatible with democratic debate

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2014] What do you understand by the concept ‘freedom of speech and expression’? Does it cover hate speech also? Why do the films in India stand on a slightly different plane from other forms of expression? Discuss.

Linkage: The 2014 PYQ on freedom of speech, hate speech, and films directly links with criminal defamation as both test the limits of Article 19(1)(a) under Article 19(2). Just as films and hate speech face special restrictions, criminal defamation raises the question of whether jail for reputational harm is a proportionate curb on free expression.

Mentor’s Comment

The debate around criminal defamation in India has resurfaced with the Supreme Court itself acknowledging the growing misuse of the law. What began as a safeguard for reputation has increasingly turned into a tool of intimidation, propaganda, and political retribution. This article examines why criminal defamation is incompatible with democratic debate, the disproportionate nature of its penalties, and how its misuse has shaped India’s political and media landscape. We will also provide value additions, practice questions, and related UPSC linkages.

Introduction

In 2016, the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of criminal defamation in the Subramanian Swamy v. Union of India case, equating reputation with the right to life. However, recent developments show that this reasoning has produced more problems than it has solved. On September 22, Justice M.M. Sundresh expressed concern over the growing use of criminal defamation by political actors and private individuals as a shield against criticism and as a weapon of retribution. With imprisonment prescribed as a penalty, the law now threatens democratic debate, fosters self-censorship, and risks turning the judiciary into a tool for silencing dissent.

Criminal Defamation in the News

The issue has returned to the spotlight because of rising judicial unease over its misuse. Justice M.M. Sundresh’s recent remarks highlight how criminal defamation cases are no longer rare or exceptional but routine weapons used by politicians, business interests, and individuals to stifle criticism. From Rahul Gandhi and Shashi Tharoor to journalists and opposition leaders, many face disproportionate litigation that results in prolonged trials, loss of political time, and harassment. This represents not just isolated misuse but a systemic problem that undermines free speech and democratic accountability.

Defamation (criminal) — statutory text & essentials

  1. Statutory definition: Section 499 of the Indian Penal Code defines defamation as making or publishing an imputation concerning any person intending to harm, or knowing or having reason to believe that such imputation will harm, that person’s reputation.
  2. Punishment: Section 500 prescribes simple imprisonment up to two years, or fine, or both.
  3. Exceptions: Section 499 contains ten exceptions (e.g., truth for public good, fair comment on public conduct, parliamentary proceedings, etc.) — these are crucial in practice and often determinative in defamation disputes.
  • Under Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023:

    • Section 354(2) – punishment up to 2 years simple imprisonment, or fine, or both, or community service.
    • Section 356 – covers words, signs, or visible representations harming reputation.
  • Scope: Applies to individuals, companies, and deceased persons if family reputation is harmed.
  • Essential Elements: False statement, harm to reputation, communication to third party, and intent/knowledge of likely harm.
  • Nature of Offence: Non-cognizable and bailable – requires a warrant for arrest; bail available.
  • Digital Extension: Covers defamatory posts on social media, websites, and messaging platforms.
  • Defences/Exceptions: Truth in public interest, fair comment on public servants, judicial proceedings, public performances, and cautionary statements made in good faith.

Supreme Court timeline (select landmark decisions on defamation) 

  1. S. Rangarajan v. P. Jagjivan Ram (1989): refined the reasonable-restriction test under Article 19(2); held that state action to restrain expression must demonstrate proximate danger (not remote/conjectural). Important when courts assess whether alleged speech is dangerously likely to cause harm.
  2. R. Rajagopal v. State of Tamil Nadu (Auto-Shankar case) (1994): balanced freedom of press with right to privacy; held privacy has constitutional status but public interest/public record may limit privacy claims. Relevant to defamation where publication concerns public servants/official acts.
  3. Subramanian Swamy v. Union of India (2016): Supreme Court upheld constitutionality of Sections 499 and 500, treating reputation as part of human dignity under Article 21 and holding criminal defamation a reasonable restriction on Article 19(1)(a). This remains the leading authority sustaining criminal defamation in India

Why is criminal defamation disproportionate?

  1. Imprisonment for speech: Criminal defamation proposes jail time for reputational injury, which is disproportionate compared to civil remedies like damages or injunctions.
  2. Nature of harm: Unlike physical injury, reputational harm can be addressed through compensation and retractions, not imprisonment.
  3. Global comparison: Many countries such as the U.K. have abolished criminal defamation laws as incompatible with democratic debate.

How has the law been misused in politics and media?

  1. Weaponisation of complaints: Political actors distort or take statements out of context, using the threat of jail to suppress opponents. Examples:
    • Editors of The Hindu faced cases under Jayalalithaa’s government.
    • Rahul Gandhi faced criminal defamation for remarks against political leaders.
    • Nitin Gadkari and Arun Jaitley’s cases against Arvind Kejriwal and AAP tied up governance in litigation.
  2. Judicial burden: Lower courts often issue summons without assessing whether the speech crosses the threshold of defamation.

What is the impact on journalism and public debate?

  1. Intimidation of journalists: Local reporters face harassment from politicians and business groups, including threats of arrest and travel to distant courts.
  2. Self-censorship: The chilling effect forces media houses and individuals to avoid criticism of powerful actors.
  3. Distortion of democratic debate: Criminal defamation converts political disagreements into legal battles, weakening accountability and transparency.

Are civil remedies a better alternative?

  1. Civil courts as recourse: Aggrieved individuals can seek damages, injunctions, or retractions through civil suits.
  2. Balanced protection: Civil remedies protect reputation without curbing free expression.
  3. Reduced misuse: Without the threat of imprisonment, civil proceedings reduce the scope of intimidation.

Comparative perspective and lessons for India

  1. U.K. model: Abolished criminal defamation, relying instead on civil law to handle reputational disputes.
  2. Global democratic practice: Democracies increasingly view criminal defamation as incompatible with free speech.
  3. India’s opportunity: Reforms are needed to align India’s legal framework with global standards and democratic values.

Conclusion

Criminal defamation in India has shifted from being a safeguard for dignity to a political weapon that curtails free expression and democratic accountability. Justice Sundresh’s remarks signal a broader judicial recognition that the law’s misuse has become systemic. Moving toward civil remedies while abolishing criminal defamation is necessary for strengthening free speech, protecting journalists, and ensuring political debates remain democratic rather than litigative. India must now act to strike the right balance between dignity and liberty.

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AYUSH – Indian Medicine System

[23rd September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: The growing relevance of traditional medicine

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2019] How is the Government of India protecting traditional knowledge of medicine from patenting by pharmaceutical companies?

Linkage: The question on protecting traditional knowledge from patenting directly links with India’s global Ayurveda outreach and the WHO Global Traditional Medicine Centre, which focus on safeguarding and validating traditional systems. The article highlights India’s investment in research, standardisation, and international cooperation to integrate and protect Ayurveda while projecting it globally.

Mentor’s Comment

The significance of traditional medicine has moved far beyond being an alternative to modern healthcare. With its widespread practice across 170 countries, increasing global market share, and India’s leadership through AYUSH, traditional medicine now represents a paradigm shift from reactive to preventive healthcare. This article explores the transformation of traditional medicine, India’s global leadership, scientific validation, and its contemporary relevance in addressing both lifestyle diseases and climate change.

Introduction

Traditional medicine, once considered peripheral to mainstream health systems, is increasingly being recognised as central to global health. The World Health Organization reports that 88% of its member-states practise traditional medicine, making it a cornerstone of healthcare for billions. India, with its vibrant AYUSH sector, is at the forefront of this transformation — combining ancient wisdom with modern science, and positioning itself as a global leader in preventive, sustainable, and inclusive healthcare.

Why is traditional medicine in the news?

The growing relevance of Ayurveda and related systems has been highlighted due to multiple firsts and major developments. The WHO Global Traditional Medicine Centre in India marks a historic milestone, anchoring India as a hub for global research and innovation in this field. The AYUSH industry’s eight-fold growth within a decade, and exports reaching $1.54 billion to 150 countries, reflect the scale of transformation. With the 2025 theme of “Ayurveda for People & Planet”, traditional medicine is being reframed not just as healthcare but as a holistic movement addressing lifestyle diseases, biodiversity conservation, and climate change.

How significant is the global presence of traditional medicine?

  1. WHO report: 170 of 194 countries (88%) practise traditional medicine.
  2. Primary healthcare: For billions in low- and middle-income countries, it remains the first line of treatment due to affordability and accessibility.
  3. Market size: Global traditional medicine market projected to hit $583 billion by 2025, growing at 10–20% annually.
  4. Country data: China’s TCM valued at $122.4 billion, Australia’s herbal medicine at $3.97 billion, India’s AYUSH sector at $43.4 billion.

What has been India’s transformation in AYUSH?

  1. Industrial growth: Over 92,000 MSMEs drive the AYUSH sector. Revenues expanded from ₹21,697 crore (2014-15) to ₹1.37 lakh crore today.
  2. Services sector: Generated ₹1.67 lakh crore in revenue.
  3. Exports: AYUSH and herbal products worth $1.54 billion reach over 150 countries.
  4. Recognition abroad: Ayurveda now has formal recognition as a medical system in multiple nations.
  5. Public awareness: NSSO (2022-23) survey95% rural, 96% urban awareness; over half of India used AYUSH in the past year.

How is India promoting scientific validation and global outreach?

  1. Research institutions: AIIMS Ayurveda, National Institute of Ayurveda, and CCRAS focus on drug standardisation, clinical validation, and integrative care models.
  2. International cooperation: 25 bilateral agreements, 52 institutional partnerships, 43 AYUSH cells in 39 countries, 15 academic chairs abroad.
  3. WHO Centre: WHO Global Traditional Medicine Centre in India integrates traditional knowledge with AI, big data, and digital health.
  4. AI integration: WHO publication highlights AI’s role in predictive care and strengthening clinical validation.

Why is Ayurveda relevant to global challenges today?

  1. Philosophy of balance: Between body–mind, human–nature, consumption–conservation.
  2. Lifestyle diseases: Offers preventive care against rising global non-communicable diseases.
  3. Climate change: Promotes sustainability and biodiversity conservation.
  4. Beyond humans: Extends to veterinary care and plant health.
  5. Theme 2025: “Ayurveda for People & Planet” underlines Ayurveda as both a wellness system and a planetary health framework.

Conclusion

Traditional medicine, led by Ayurveda, has transitioned from being an ancient practice to a modern global movement. India’s leadership, backed by research, exports, and global outreach, has made it central to the evolving global health architecture. As the world faces lifestyle disorders and ecological crises, Ayurveda’s holistic framework offers sustainable solutions for both people and the planet.

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Nuclear Energy

[22nd September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Uranium unrest: On uranium mining in Meghalaya

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2018] Policy contradictions among various competing sectors and stakeholders have resulted in inadequate ‘protection and prevention of degradation’ to the environment. Comment with relevant illustration

Linkage: The uranium mining push in Meghalaya illustrates a clear policy contradiction, India’s strategic and energy security imperatives versus constitutional safeguards for Scheduled/Tribal Areas and environmental sustainability. The Centre’s OM exempting uranium from public consultation shows how national security priorities often override local consent and ecological concerns, leading to inadequate protection. Thus, it serves as a live illustration of competing sectoral interests producing environmental degradation risks.

Mentor’s Comment

India’s renewed push for uranium mining in Meghalaya, despite strong tribal opposition, has reopened debates on resource governance, environmental justice, and constitutional safeguards. For UPSC aspirants, this case is not only about Meghalaya but about how India manages its uranium reserves, balances national security with sustainability, and navigates the tensions between state imperatives and community consent. This article integrates the editorial’s concerns with a broader analysis of uranium mining in India and its implications.

Introduction

The Union Environment Ministry’s office memorandum (OM) exempting uranium and other strategic minerals from public consultation has intensified unrest in Meghalaya. Tribal Khasi groups, opposing uranium extraction since the 1980s, see this as a denial of their constitutional and cultural rights. At the same time, India’s nuclear ambitions make uranium strategically vital. This tension between energy security and indigenous consent places India at a crucial crossroads of democratic governance and resource management.

Why is this in the news?

The Centre’s attempt to mine uranium in Meghalaya, against the backdrop of decades-long opposition, is a landmark moment in India’s mineral politics. For the first time, an executive order (OM) has bypassed community consultations for uranium mining. Given the toxic environmental footprint of uranium mining and its irreversible impact on tribal lands, the issue has become both a governance crisis and an ecological flashpoint.

What is the history of uranium mining resistance in Meghalaya?

  1. Khasi opposition since the 1980s: Resistance in Domiasiat and Wahkaji has endured for four decades.
  2. Distrust from Jharkhand experience: Singhbhum mines faced protests due to radiation exposure and livelihood loss.
  3. Procedural unfairness: Hearings often conducted in unfamiliar languages, ignoring objections.

Why is the new Office Memorandum controversial?

  1. Exempts strategic mineral mining from public consultation, silencing affected communities.
  2. Issued without parliamentary scrutiny, showing executive overreach.
  3. Weakens constitutional safeguards, turning stewards of the land into bystanders in decisions affecting their survival.

What constitutional and legal protections are at stake?

  1. Sixth Schedule: Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council may invoke its autonomy.
  2. Judicial precedents: Niyamgiri (2013) recognized the primacy of tribal consent.
  3. Fifth and Sixth Schedules: Provide a strong legal basis for resistance.
  4. Global principle of FPIC (Free, Prior, and Informed Consent): Ignored in this decision.

Why is uranium mining a risky proposition?

  1. Environmental hazards: Radioactive waste and contamination of water sources.
  2. Human health risks: Increased cases of radiation-linked illnesses reported in Singhbhum.
  3. Cultural disruption: Tribal communities lose ancestral land and cultural heritage.
  4. Short-term security vs long-term sustainability: Overemphasis on uranium undermines renewable energy pathways.

Uranium Mining in India – An Overview

Where is uranium mined in India?

  1. Jharkhand (Singhbhum district): Oldest uranium mines; key hub of Uranium Corporation of India Limited (UCIL).
  2. Andhra Pradesh (Tummalapalle, Kadapa district): Estimated to be one of the world’s largest uranium reserves (~150,000 tonnes).
  3. Telangana (Nalgonda district): Lambapur-Peddagattu reserves.
  4. Meghalaya (Domiasiat, Wahkaji): Rich reserves but stalled due to tribal opposition.
  5. Rajasthan (Rohil in Sikar district): Exploratory work underway.

What are the requirements and process of uranium mining?

  1. Requirement of Environmental Clearances: Normally includes public consultation, impact assessments, and Forest Rights Act compliance (bypassed in the new OM).
  2. Mining process:
    • Open-cast mining: Surface excavation, highly polluting.
    • Underground mining: Safer but expensive.
    • Processing: Crushing ore, followed by leaching (acid/alkaline) to extract uranium oxide (yellowcake).
    • Radiation management: Requires robust safeguards in waste disposal, tailing ponds, and worker protection—areas where India has faced criticism.

India’s standing in global uranium context

  1. Global reserves: Australia, Kazakhstan, Canada, Russia dominate.
  2. India’s share: About 1-2% of world reserves, modest compared to global leaders.
  3. Import dependence: Despite domestic efforts, India imports uranium from Kazakhstan, Russia, Uzbekistan, Canada.
  4. Nuclear energy contribution: Currently ~3% of India’s electricity; goal is 9-10% by 2040.

Implications for India

  1. Energy security: Indigenous uranium critical for India’s nuclear power expansion under India’s three-stage nuclear program.
  2. Geopolitical leverage: Imports expose India to supply shocks and diplomatic constraints.
  3. Environmental justice: Mining projects risk alienating tribal populations and worsening ecological fragility.

How should the state respond?

  1. Withdraw the OM to restore procedural legitimacy.
  2. Respect community consent to prevent democratic erosion.
  3. Explore alternatives like thorium-based nuclear energy (where India has rich reserves) and renewable energy strategies.
  4. Promote dialogue, not coercion, to avoid long-term alienation of tribal groups.

Conclusion

The uranium debate in Meghalaya is about much more than mining, it is about the soul of Indian democracy. By sidelining constitutional protections and environmental concerns, the state risks sacrificing long-term legitimacy for short-term gains. India’s future energy security cannot come at the cost of tribal survival, ecological stability, and democratic consent. A sustainable pathway lies in inclusive governance, diversified energy strategies, and respect for constitutional safeguards.

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Terrorism and Challenges Related To It

[20th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: The Saudi-Pakistan pact is a dodgy insurance policy

PYQ Relevance:

[UPSC 2018] In what ways would the ongoing US–Iran Nuclear Pact controversy affect the national interest of India? How should India respond to this situation?

Linkage: The Saudi–Pakistan SMDA, like the earlier US–Iran Nuclear Pact controversy, reshapes West Asian alignments and directly impacts India’s energy security, diaspora safety, and regional stability. Just as India had to balance between Iran, the U.S., and Gulf partners in 2018, it must now carefully hedge between Riyadh and Islamabad while safeguarding its own strategic interests.

Mentor’s Comment

The Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement (SMDA) signed between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan in September 2025 has been described as a pact of optics rather than substance. Its timing, context, and asymmetrical calculations raise questions on whether it strengthens West Asian security or merely signals short-term adjustments. For UPSC aspirants, this episode provides insights into the shifting geopolitics of South West Asia, Pakistan’s strategic opportunism, Saudi Arabia’s security dilemmas, and India’s balancing role.

Introduction

On 17 September 2025, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Pakistani Premier Shahbaz Sharif signed the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement (SMDA) in Riyadh, with Field Marshal Asim Munir in attendance. While presented as a landmark pact, its real significance lies in the optics of security reassurance amid the shifting sands of Middle Eastern politics. Both nations have a chequered past of military cooperation, rooted in shared faith but divided by divergent threat perceptions. The agreement’s asymmetrical benefits, U.S. undertones, and implications for India make it geopolitically consequential.

Why is the SMDA in the news and why is it significant?

  1. First major pact in decades: The last high-point of Saudi–Pakistan defence ties was in the 1979–89 period, when 20,000 Pakistani troops protected Saudi Arabia and the Holy Harams.
  2. Optical reassurance: The SMDA is viewed more as a symbolic gesture than a substantive alliance, designed to show unity amidst rising threats from Iran, Yemen, and Israel.
  3. Geopolitical urgency: Triggered by the September 9 Israeli air strike in Doha (Qatar), the pact signals waning U.S. credibility as a security guarantor for the Gulf.
  4. Big deal: Pakistan is now a declared nuclear state, raising speculation of nuclear cooperation with Riyadh, though practical transfer remains improbable.

What has been the history of Saudi-Pakistan defence cooperation?

  1. Golden phase (1979–89): 20,000 Pakistani soldiers stationed in Saudi Arabia to protect the monarchy and act against Iran and Yemen.
  2. Saudi view: Treated Pakistani forces as paid Praetorian Guards, limiting their autonomy.
  3. Pakistani view: Resented lack of command; exclusion of Shia troops created tensions.
  4. 1990 onwards: Pakistan refused Saudi requests during major crises (Iraq’s Kuwait invasion, Yemeni war), limiting its role to protecting the Holy Harams.

How has the United States influenced the SMDA?

  1. Pentagon as the guarantor: U.S. historically underpinned Saudi–Pak defence ties “over-the-horizon.”
  2. Trump’s role: In June 2025, Field Marshal Munir’s “private lunch” with Trump in Washington signalled Washington’s blessing.
  3. Israeli factor: Saudi Arabia wanted a U.S. defence pact and nuclear technology in exchange for recognising Israel. The Hamas attack on Israel in Oct 2023 derailed the plan, leaving the SMDA as a consolation prize.
  4. Credibility gap: The U.S. failure to defend Qatar against Israeli strikes exposed fragility in Gulf security guarantees.

What are Riyadh’s calculations from the SMDA?

  1. Avoid Arab troops: Past experience with Arab/Turkish troops created risks of “political pollination.
  2. Massive arms imports: Saudi Arabia has ordered $100 billion worth of U.S. weapons in 2025.
  3. Nuclear hedge: Pakistan’s nuclear capability could deter Iran if it goes nuclear.
  4. Chinese factor: Pakistan’s ties with China may complicate Riyadh’s trust.
  5. Realistic expectation: Riyadh foresees smaller Pakistani footprints than before, given past frictions.

What are Islamabad’s calculations from the SMDA?

  1. Asymmetrical gains: No intention to fight Saudi wars against Iran, Yemen, or Israel.
  2. Strategic opportunism: Exploit Saudi insecurity to gain funds, oil, defence hardware, and training.
  3. Personal aggrandisement:Pakistan’s military elite aim to monetise “IOUs” from Riyadh and Washington.
  4. Regional calculus: Hopes trilateral axis will offset its strategic disadvantage against India.

What does the SMDA mean for India?

  1. Energy linkages: India is the third-largest oil importer and among Saudi’s top trade partners.
  2. Diaspora factor: Largest expatriate community in Saudi Arabia, valued for skills and neutrality.
  3. Diplomatic capital: Post-2014 outreach has created defence and intelligence-sharing frameworks.
  4. Saudi balancing act: Riyadh assured Reuters that ties with India remain “robust,” acknowledging India’s nuclear status and geoeconomic heft.
  5. Implication: India must remain vigilant, building greater Arabian Sea synergies to counterbalance tactical moves by Pakistan.

Conclusion

The Saudi–Pakistan pact is less a robust security alliance and more a political insurance policy, crafted in haste amid shifting regional dynamics. While it temporarily reassures Riyadh and monetarily benefits Islamabad, its sustainability remains doubtful due to divergent threat perceptions, nuclear sensitivities, and overlapping U.S.–China rivalries. For India, the SMDA underscores the need to strengthen its energy diplomacy, diaspora leverage, and strategic partnerships with Riyadh, while maintaining watchfulness over Pakistan’s manoeuvres.

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Food Procurement and Distribution – PDS & NFSA, Shanta Kumar Committee, FCI restructuring, Buffer stock, etc.

[19th Septmeber 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Equalising Primary Food Consumption in India

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2019] What are the reformative steps taken by the Government to make food grain distribution system more effective?

Linkage: The article’s proposal to restructure the PDS by trimming excess cereal entitlements and expanding pulse distribution directly links with UPSC 2019’s question. It highlights how reformative steps—like targeted subsidies, rationalised stocking by FCI, and focus on nutritional security beyond cereals—can make the food grain distribution system more effective. Thus, it connects poverty reduction with sustainable and equitable food security reforms.

Mentor’s Comment

The recent NSS household consumption survey, coupled with World Bank estimates, has painted a contrasting picture of India’s poverty and food deprivation. While global narratives celebrate the near-eradication of extreme poverty, ground-level consumption data tells a more sobering story, half of rural India still struggles to afford two simple thalis a day. This article unpacks the deeper meaning of food security beyond calorie intake, critiques the existing Public Distribution System (PDS), and explores how restructuring subsidies, especially towards pulses, can equalise food consumption in India. For UPSC aspirants, the debate is not only about statistics but also about welfare priorities, distributional justice, and the role of the state in ensuring dignified living standards.

Introduction

India has long battled poverty and hunger, but the release of the 2024 NSS Household Consumption Survey and the World Bank’s Poverty and Equity Brief (2025) has reshaped the debate. The World Bank report claims that extreme poverty has fallen from 16.2% in 2011-12 to just 2.3% in 2022-23, a historic achievement if true. Yet, when food consumption is measured through the “thali index” rather than calorie-based poverty lines, stark disparities emerge: 50% of rural India and 20% of urban India could not afford two thalis a day in 2023-24. This contradiction raises a crucial policy question—how can India ensure not just calorie intake but nutritional adequacy and equal access to primary food consumption?

The contrasting narratives of poverty in India

  1. World Bank Estimate: Extreme poverty has “virtually disappeared,” with only 2.3% living below $2.15/day.
  2. Thali Index Reality: Despite rising incomes, half of rural India could not afford two balanced meals (thalis) daily in 2023-24.
  3. Deprivation Gap: The difference arises because food is residual expenditure after households spend on essentials like rent, health, and transport.

Why measure poverty through the thali meal?

  1. Beyond Calories: Traditional poverty lines only measure calorific intake, ignoring nutrition and satisfaction.
  2. Balanced Meal: A thali (rice, dal, roti, vegetables, curd, salad) represents a self-contained, nutritious unit of food consumption.
  3. Cost Factor: Crisil estimates a home-cooked thali costs ₹30. Many households fall short of affording even two thalis/day per person.

How effective is the Public Distribution System?

  1. Food Deprivation with PDS: Even after including PDS food supplies, deprivation persists—40% rural and 10% urban cannot afford two thalis daily.
  2. Subsidy Distribution: In rural India, a person in the 90–95% expenditure class receives 88% of the subsidy given to the poorest 5%, despite much higher consumption capacity.
  3. Urban Progressivity: The PDS is more progressive in urban areas, but still, 80% receive subsidised or free food, including those not in need.

Why are cereals not enough

  1. Equalised Cereal Consumption: Both the poorest and richest consume similar amounts of rice and wheat, showing PDS success but also its limits.
  2. Expenditure Share: Cereals now account for only 10% of average household expenditure, so increasing cereal subsidy has diminishing returns.
  3. Need for Protein: Pulses consumption is half in the poorest 5% compared to the richest 5%, highlighting protein inequality.

Policy path: Equalising food consumption through pulses

  1. Expand PDS Coverage: Redirect subsidies towards pulses, the main protein source for many Indians.
  2. Rationalise Cereals Subsidy: Trim excess rice/wheat entitlements, especially for better-off groups, reducing stocking costs for FCI.
  3. Compact and Targeted PDS: By focusing on pulses and eliminating subsidies beyond the “two thali/day” norm, the system becomes both cost-effective and equitable.
  4. Global Significance: Achieving equalised food consumption across social classes would be a unique welfare success story worldwide.

Conclusion

The thali index reveals a hidden crisis of food deprivation that headline poverty numbers obscure. While cereal consumption has been equalised through decades of PDS efforts, the next frontier lies in ensuring protein security via pulses distribution. Rationalising subsidies and targeting them effectively can not only optimise public spending but also equalise primary food consumption across India, a feat that would stand as a benchmark in global welfare policy.

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Governor vs. State

[18th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: A judicial nudge following stuck legislative business

PYQ Relevance:

UPSC 2022: Discuss the essential conditions for exercise of the legislative powers by the Governor. Discuss the legality of re-promulgation of ordinances by the Governor without placing them before the Legislature.

Linkage: The recent Supreme Court directive fixing a timeline for Governors under Article 200 directly relates to the constitutional limits on gubernatorial powers discussed in the 2022 question. Both highlight that the Governor, as a constitutional head, must act on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers and not misuse discretion to stall legislation. Just as re-promulgation of ordinances undermines legislative supremacy, withholding assent indefinitely violates constitutional morality and federal balance.

Mentor’s Comment:

The recent Supreme Court intervention fixing a time limit for Governors and the President to act on Bills marks a constitutional milestone. This decision is not merely about timelines but about strengthening federalism, ensuring legislative efficacy, and curbing misuse of gubernatorial discretion. For UPSC aspirants, it becomes a vital case study in Centre-State relations, separation of powers, and the evolving role of the judiciary in sustaining democracy.

Introduction

The Supreme Court’s decision to prescribe a three-month time limit for Governors and the President to take a final call on Bills under Article 200/201 has reignited debates on federalism, separation of powers, and the scope of judicial activism. For decades, Governors have been accused of sitting indefinitely on Bills, creating a legislative deadlock and undermining the democratic will of elected legislatures. This judicial nudge aims to resolve what has become a serious constitutional anomaly, ensuring that governance does not remain hostage to political manoeuvring.

Why is this in the news?

The issue is significant because, for the first time, the Supreme Court has imposed a specific timeline—three months—for Governors and the President to act on Bills, despite the Constitution prescribing none. This intervention arose after repeated instances where Governors withheld assent or simply delayed action on Bills for years, undermining legislative functioning. The decision is both a remedy for constitutional paralysis and a reinforcement of federal balance, making it a landmark moment in India’s constitutional journey.

Judicial clarity on Article 200:

  1. Four options under Article 200: Assent to the Bill, withhold assent, return the Bill for reconsideration, or reserve it for the President.
  2. No discretion intended: The omission of the words “in his discretion” (present in Government of India Act, 1935, Section 75) shows the Constituent Assembly wanted Governors to act only on aid and advice of the Council of Ministers.
  3. Judicial commissions’ stand: Both Sarkaria and Punchhi Commissions reiterated that Governors are constitutional heads, not independent power centres.

Has the Governor misused discretionary powers?

  1. Contradictory judicial stance: While Shamsher Singh (1974) acknowledged discretionary scope, later judgments including Nabam Rebia (2016) and Tamil Nadu Governor case (2025) rejected such independence.
  2. Risk of overreach: Allowing Governors unilateral discretion would convert them into “super constitutional authorities,” stalling state governance.
  3. Expert view: D.D. Basu highlighted that unlike UK sovereigns, Indian Governors have no scope for withholding assent independently.

Why did the Supreme Court fix a timeline?

  1. Legislative paralysis: Governors had sat on Bills for years without decision, blocking governance.
  2. Judicial remedy: By fixing three months, the Court ensured smooth functioning of legislatures, akin to how Article 21’s scope was expanded through judicial interpretation in Maneka Gandhi.
  3. Federal protection: Recent rulings in State of Punjab v. Governor (2023) and State of Tamil Nadu v. Governor (2025) strengthened states’ autonomy, preventing misuse of gubernatorial office.

Could the Union have intervened earlier?

  1. Role under Article 355: The Union is duty-bound to ensure constitutional governance in states. A Governor blocking Bills indefinitely amounts to violation of constitutional provisions.
  2. Non-intervention so far: Successive Union governments avoided directing Governors, leading to judicial stepping in.
  3. Judicial nudge as necessity: The Court’s ruling acts as a constitutional guardrail in absence of executive remedy.

Implications for federalism and democracy

  1. Strengthening federal balance: Prevents Governors from acting as political agents of the Centre.
  2. Judicial activism or necessity?: Critics see it as judicial overreach, but history shows courts often expand constitutional meaning to meet new realities (e.g., Article 21 due process).
  3. Legislative efficiency: Restores faith in elected assemblies’ authority, ensuring people’s mandate is not subverted.

Conclusion

The Supreme Court’s directive to Governors and the President is a pragmatic response to a constitutional vacuum. It plugs misuse, safeguards federalism, and ensures legislative efficiency. Far from amending the Constitution, it exemplifies how judicial interpretation adapts constitutional principles to emerging challenges. This marks a significant moment where judicial innovation has strengthened democracy by preventing paralysis of governance.

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Judicial Reforms

[17th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Judicial Experimentalism versus the Right to Justice

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2024] Starting from inventing the ‘basic structure’ doctrine, the judiciary has played a highly proactive role in ensuring that India develops into a thriving democracy. In light of the statement, evaluate the role played by judicial activism in achieving the ideals of democracy.

Linkage: The recent “cooling period” ruling in Shivangi Bansal (2025) shows the judiciary’s proactive, sometimes overreaching, role in experimenting with safeguards beyond legislative intent. While judicial activism has often upheld democracy by protecting rights (e.g., Kesavananda Bharati, Arnesh Kumar), such interventions can also compromise access to justice. Thus, the case illustrates both the potential and pitfalls of judicial activism in strengthening democratic ideals.

Mentor’s Comment

The Supreme Court’s recent endorsement of the Allahabad High Court’s guidelines introducing a “cooling period” before action in matrimonial cruelty cases (formerly Section 498A IPC, now Section 85 BNS) has sparked a heated debate. While the move aims to check misuse of law, critics argue it undermines a victim’s right to prompt justice. This article analyses the issue through the lens of judicial experimentalism, statutory intent, and the balance between liberty and justice, an important discussion for UPSC aspirants studying the interface of law, rights, and institutional reforms.

Introduction

Section 498A IPC was enacted to protect women from cruelty in matrimonial settings. However, fears of its misuse led courts and lawmakers to build safeguards against arbitrary arrests and frivolous cases. The recent Supreme Court ruling in Shivangi Bansal vs Sahib Bansal (2025) has endorsed a two-month “cooling period” and referral to Family Welfare Committees (FWCs) before action is taken on complaints. While it echoes earlier judicial experiments, critics highlight that such directions compromise victims’ right to timely justice and extend judicial power beyond legislative intent.

Judicial Experimentalism Versus Right to Justice

Why is this ruling in the news?

The ruling is significant because, for the first time since the rollback of Rajesh Sharma guidelines in 2018, the Supreme Court has revived the idea of FWCs and delayed coercive action through a “cooling period.” This marks a sharp contrast with previous judicial positions that upheld victims’ right to prompt redressal. The problem is big: over 1.4 lakh cases registered under Section 498A in 2022 (NCRB) yet with declining arrests, showing safeguards were already in place. Introducing new hurdles raises questions on judicial overreach and justice delivery.

Why was Section 498A enacted?

  1. Objective: Punish cruelty against women in matrimonial homes.
  2. Protection intent: Safeguard women from physical, mental, and emotional abuse by husband and family.
  3. Concerns of misuse: Courts acknowledged misuse through false FIRs and arrests, which led to checks and procedural safeguards.

What safeguards already existed against misuse?

  1. Lalita Kumari (2013): Classified matrimonial disputes under ‘preliminary inquiry’ before FIR registration.
  2. CrPC amendment (2008): Introduced the ‘principle of necessity’ in arrests.
  3. Arnesh Kumar (2014): Checklist for police; mandatory notice for appearance before arrest.
  4. Satender Kumar Antil (2022): Strengthened protection by ensuring bail if arrest directions were violated.
  5. Impact: NCRB shows while cases increased (1,13,403 in 2015 → 1,40,019 in 2022), arrests fell (1,87,067 → 1,45,095).

How does the “cooling period” affect justice delivery?

  1. Delay in action: Victims must wait two months before any coercive step is taken.
  2. Denial of prompt redressal: Even after FIR, police cannot act, worsening victim’s plight.
  3. Institutional overreach: FWCs lack statutory backing, leading to ambiguity about their jurisdiction and powers.
  4. Historical lesson: Similar FWC directions in Rajesh Sharma (2017) were termed “regressive” and rolled back by Social Action Forum for Manav Adhikar (2018).

What does this mean for judicial experimentalism?

  1. Judicial innovation vs legislative intent: Experimentation may be progressive but must not override statutory design.
  2. Checks already in place: With safeguards from CrPC amendments, Arnesh Kumar and Satender Kumar Antil, additional hurdles appear unnecessary.
  3. Risk of regressive rollback: Echoes earlier failed experiments that compromised women’s access to justice.

Conclusion

The Supreme Court’s endorsement of the Allahabad High Court’s “cooling period” in Section 498A cases reflects judicial anxiety over misuse of law but risks undermining victim protection, the very intent of the provision. With sufficient safeguards already in place, the ruling revives debates on judicial overreach and calls for revisiting its implications. Justice must balance the liberty of the accused with the victim’s right to immediate redressal, without diluting either.

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Health Sector – UHC, National Health Policy, Family Planning, Health Insurance, etc.

[16th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Court’s nod to Mental Health as Right

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2020] In order to enhance the prospects of social development, sound and adequate health care policies are needed in the fields of geriatric and maternal health care. Discuss.

Linkage: The 2025 Sukdeb Saha judgment extends the scope of Article 21 by making mental health a constitutional right, just as geriatric and maternal health are essential to social development. Both contexts highlight the need for sound, inclusive health policies that address neglected yet critical areas. The ruling reinforces the argument that without adequate mental healthcare, broader social development goals remain incomplete.

Mentor’s Comment

The recent Supreme Court judgment in Sukdeb Saha vs State of Andhra Pradesh (2025) has elevated mental health to the level of a constitutional right under Article 21. More than a verdict on an individual tragedy, it has emerged as a landmark with systemic implications, redefining how student suicides, institutional neglect, and structural victimisation are understood in India. This article dissects the judgment, its social, legal, and criminological dimensions, and its significance for UPSC aspirants.

Introduction

In July 2025, the Supreme Court of India declared mental health to be an integral part of the right to life under Article 21. Triggered by the tragic suicide of a 17-year-old NEET aspirant in Visakhapatnam, the case (Sukdeb Saha vs State of Andhra Pradesh) transcended individual loss to expose the systemic failures of India’s education ecosystem. For the first time, the Court explicitly linked student suicides with institutional neglect and structural violence, framing mental health as a public injustice rather than a private bereavement. This landmark ruling has far-reaching implications for governance, education, victimology, and social justice.

Why is the Judgment in the News?

The verdict is a constitutional milestone because it:

  1. Recognises mental health as a fundamental right under Article 21, not just a statutory right under the Mental Healthcare Act 2017.
  2. Issues binding Saha Guidelines mandating schools, colleges, hostels, and coaching institutes to proactively create mental health support systems.
  3. Shifts accountability from individual students to institutions, framing neglect as a form of structural violence.
  4. Addresses India’s alarming student suicide epidemic, exposing deep systemic and cultural failures.
  5. This is the first time the Court has extended the doctrine of state responsibility to mental well-being, making it a case of historic significance.

How does the case highlight structural victimisation?

  1. Structural neglect: Education systems, coaching centres, and hostels create conditions of high pressure with little support, making students vulnerable.
  2. State complicity: By failing to provide safeguards, institutions and the state become indirect perpetrators of harm.
  3. Victimology lens: Students are not merely individuals battling internal struggles; they are victims of systemic injustice and exploitative cultures.

Why does the verdict matter legally?

  1. Constitutional elevation: Mental health is no longer a mere statutory right but a fundamental right under Article 21.
  2. Gap filling: The Mental Healthcare Act 2017 remains poorly enforced; the judgment provides a stronger normative benchmark.
  3. Legislative force: The Saha Guidelines have the same weight as law until Parliament enacts a mental health code.

What are the “Saha Guidelines”?

  1. Institutional responsibility: Schools, colleges, hostels, and coaching institutes must establish mental health support systems.
  2. Time-bound compliance: States and UTs must frame rules within two months.
  3. Monitoring mechanisms: Creation of district-level monitoring committees for accountability.
  4. Binding nature: These interim orders have legislative effect until codified.

Can student suicides be seen as structural violence?

  1. Galtung’s theory: Structural violence occurs when societal structures systematically deprive individuals of basic needs.
  2. Application: Educational institutions that ignore psychological well-being indirectly inflict harm.
  3. Reframing suicides: Shifts the discourse from “personal failures” to systemic injustice requiring state intervention.

What are the challenges in implementation?

  1. Institutional inertia: Schools and coaching centres often resist reform.
  2. Resource constraints: Lack of trained mental health professionals in India.
  3. Cultural barriers: Persistent stigma around psychological counselling.
  4. State responsibility: The verdict’s success depends on political will, monitoring, and investment in mental health infrastructure.

Conclusion

The Sukdeb Saha judgment is a watershed moment in constitutional jurisprudence. By recognising mental health as a core aspect of the right to life, it challenges society to confront uncomfortable truths about neglect, exploitation, and indifference in the education system. Yet, the ruling’s legacy will depend on whether the Saha Guidelines are translated into action or remain judicial rhetoric. For students, too often silenced by despair, this judgment is a promise of dignity, recognition, and justice.

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Economic Indicators and Various Reports On It- GDP, FD, EODB, WIR etc

[15th September 2025] The Hindu Op-ed: Improving Macros: Period of low inflation and relatively high growth

PYQ Relevance

[UPSC 2019] Do you agree with the view that steady GDP growth and low inflation have left the Indian economy in good shape? Give reasons in support of your arguments.

Linkage: The present scenario of low inflation (2.1%) coupled with high growth directly resonates with the 2019 PYQ, as it exemplifies how such a macro mix strengthens household purchasing power and policy space. However, just as in 2019, questions about data reliability and sustainability remain valid. Thus, India’s current economic outlook offers both affirmation and nuance to the earlier debate.

Mentor’s Comment

India’s macroeconomic trajectory has taken a remarkable turn, shifting from the troubling “low growth, high inflation” trap of last year to a far more favorable “high growth, low inflation” outlook. With inflation dipping within RBI’s comfort band and food prices contracting sharply, the macro story is compelling and holds lessons for India’s policy and global positioning. This article unpacks the nuances of the recent data, explores what it means for the future, and situates it within the UPSC Mains framework with value addition, practice questions, and micro-themes.

Introduction

The August 2025 retail inflation numbers marked a critical juncture in India’s economic narrative. Retail inflation, though it rose slightly, stood at 2.1%, comfortably within the Reserve Bank of India’s (RBI) target range of 2%-6%. This snapped a nine-month declining streak but did not trigger alarm. Food inflation remained subdued, with striking contractions of 15.9% in vegetable prices and 14.5% in pulses. Combined with welfare provisions under the National Food Security Act, this ensured affordability of essential items. With low inflation across housing, fuel, and clothing, India’s macroeconomic picture looks vastly different from last year, when high inflation coupled with low growth defined the economic outlook. The gap between growth and inflation has widened from 2.1 percentage points last year to 5.5 percentage points now—an enviable reversal.

Understanding the Current Inflation Trends

  1. Retail inflation at 2.1%: Marginally within RBI’s comfort zone of 2%-6%, reflecting stability despite global uncertainty.
  2. Food prices contracting sharply: Vegetables fell by 15.9% and pulses by 14.5%, easing household expenditure.
  3. Other necessities stable: Housing, clothing, footwear, and fuel inflation are all lower in August than in July.
  4. Welfare cushioning: Free foodgrains under the NFSA ensure food affordability despite global volatility.

How Has the Macro Picture Changed Since Last Year?

  1. From high inflation to low inflation: Inflationary pressures last year eroded purchasing power, but now they remain subdued.
  2. From sluggish growth to robust growth: Growth has accelerated, giving policymakers breathing room.
  3. Growth–inflation differential widened: From 2.1 percentage points last year to 5.5 points this year, a striking macro improvement.
  4. Comparability holds: Concerns about data integrity existed last year too, hence the relative improvement is valid.

What Role Do Global and Domestic Policies Play?

  1. Russian oil purchases: Even if India abandons Russian crude under U.S. pressure, the inflationary impact will be limited due to already-low global crude prices.
  2. GST rate cuts: Effective September 22, lower GST rates are expected to reduce consumer prices further.
  3. RBI’s cautious optimism: While Q1’s low inflation-high growth dynamic raises hopes of a rate cut, global uncertainties may push this decision to December instead of September.

What Lies Ahead for India’s Economic Outlook?

  1. Benign inflation trajectory: Indicators point to sustained price stability.
  2. Limited global oil shock risk: Declining discounts from Russia and stable crude prices mean less volatility for India.
  3. Prospects for rate cuts: The Monetary Policy Committee may consider easing monetary policy in December, enhancing growth.
  4. Strengthened fiscal space: Low inflation allows government welfare and investment measures to operate without inflationary spirals.

Conclusion

India’s macroeconomic outlook in 2025 is a story of resilience and reversal. The sharp transition from a vulnerable high-inflation, low-growth setup to a robust high-growth, low-inflation phase underscores effective price stabilization and cushioning mechanisms like NFSA. While global uncertainties remain, the benign inflation trajectory coupled with strong growth provides a foundation for India’s economic policy to focus on sustainable and inclusive development.

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