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  • India seals deal to purchase Javelin anti-tank missile system from US

    India seals deal to purchase Javelin anti-tank missile system from US

    Why in the News

    India has finalised a deal to buy the Javelin anti-tank guided missile system from the United States, with the Indian Army signing a Letter of Offer and Acceptance through the US Foreign Military Sales process. The US Embassy called the signing a “milestone” that strengthens the US-India Major Defence Partnership and opens discussions on co-production, extending a series of recent India-US defence deals that followed Operation Sindoor.

    What is the Javelin system, and how was the deal concluded?

    1. A man-portable, fire-and-forget missile: The Javelin is a single, man-portable, fire-and-forget, medium-range anti-tank guided missile designed for use against armoured vehicles and fortified positions. “Fire-and-forget” means soldiers do not need to remain exposed after launch, and “man-portable” means it can be carried by soldiers, a combination that makes it particularly effective.
    2. Produced by a joint venture, used by Ukraine: The Javelin is manufactured by the Javelin Joint Venture, a partnership between RTX and Lockheed Martin, and is used by the US Army and Marine Corps as well as several international customers, including Ukraine in its war with Russia.
    3. A prior clearance preceded the final signing: In November last year, the US had approved a possible foreign military sale of 100 FGM-148 Javelin rounds, one Javelin missile and 25 Javelin Lightweight Command Launch Units and related equipment, estimated at $45.7 million, ahead of Friday’s signed agreement.

    What does the deal signal for US-India defence ties?

    1. Co-production is now under discussion: US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth said in May that Washington had committed to pursuing co-production of Javelin munitions with India, calling it a real, tangible step to improve the collective readiness of both forces.
    2. Part of a broader run of recent procurements: The Javelin purchase follows India’s acquisition of 216 M982A1 Excalibur tactical projectiles, a planned purchase of six additional Boeing P-8I maritime patrol and anti-submarine warfare aircraft, US approval of support services and equipment for Apache helicopters worth $198.2 million, a five-year, Rs 7,995 crore support agreement for the MH-60R helicopter fleet, and an October 2024 deal for 31 MQ-9B High Altitude Long Endurance drones.
    3. Built on the 2024 defence partnership framework: India and the US signed the framework for the US-India Major Defence Partnership last October, a framework the current wave of procurements, including the Javelin deal, sits within.

    What is the Foreign Military Sales process?

    A government-to-government US arms transfer route: Foreign Military Sales is the US government’s mechanism for selling defence equipment and services to foreign governments, under which the US government, rather than the manufacturer directly, administers the sale.

  • A law that could criminalise compassion

    Why in the News

    A former Mumbai college principal has criticised Maharashtra’s new Freedom of Religion Act, commonly called the anti-conversion law, arguing it makes the offence non-bailable and places the burden of proving innocence on the accused, provisions the writer compares to the anti-terror Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). The piece argues the law threatens not only an individual’s freedom to choose a religion but also humanitarian activities, including education, healthcare and social services, run by religious institutions for disadvantaged communities.

    What does the new Maharashtra law provide, and why does the writer call it disproportionate?

    1. A reversed burden of proof: The law makes the offence of unlawful conversion non-bailable and places the onus on the accused to prove innocence, a standard the writer likens to the UAPA, rather than the ordinary criminal law principle that the prosecution must prove guilt.
    2. No demonstrated evidence of large-scale forced conversion: The writer states that no data has been provided anywhere in the country establishing large-scale conversions by force, fraud or inducement, the harm the law is intended to address.
    3. Existing criminal law already covers illegal conversion: The writer notes the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 can already address criminal acts of conversion carried out through illegal means, without a separate non-bailable, reverse-onus law.
    4. Third-party complaints and an undefined “inducement”: Accusations under the law can be filed by third parties or family members, and the law does not clearly define “inducement,” which the writer argues could bring ordinary educational, medical or social services within its scope.

    What activities does the writer say the law could criminalise?

    1. Education, healthcare and welfare run by religious institutions: The writer cites decades of Catholic Church-run education, certified by bodies such as the University Grants Commission (UGC), medical facilities and social services extended without religious restriction, and financial aid to students and patients regardless of faith.
    2. Inter-religious marriages: The writer notes 30 to 40 percent of marriages recorded by the Catholic Church in parts of the country are inter-religious and do not require the non-Catholic partner to convert; the new law’s requirement of a public declaration weeks before such a marriage could invite false allegations of attempted conversion.
    3. Prayer and healing practices: The writer describes prayers for healing, including the practice of laying hands on a person in need, as normal Christian worship that the new law could bring under suspicion if extended to people of other faiths who request it.

    Challenges in India’s anti-conversion legal framework

    1. Absence of a safeguard against false complaints: The law does not penalise complainants whose allegations are later found false, allowing accusers to act without consequence. Eg. The writer notes attacks by non-state actors on prayer meetings in private halls or homes, after which police have filed FIRs mainly against the persons attacked rather than the attackers. Fix. Insert a provision imposing penalties, including a jail term, on complainants whose allegations are established as false, to deter misuse of the reverse-onus provision.
    2. Reverse onus enabling prolonged pre-trial detention: Making the offence non-bailable while shifting the burden of proof to the accused risks turning the judicial process itself into the punishment. Eg. The writer draws a parallel with the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA), under which persons have allegedly remained in jail for years without anything being proved against them. Fix. Restore the ordinary bail standard and the prosecution’s burden of proof for conversion offences that do not involve demonstrated force or fraud.

    Conclusion

    The writer argues that Maharashtra’s anti-conversion law, by combining a non-bailable offence with a reversed burden of proof and an undefined threshold for inducement, risks criminalising ordinary humanitarian and educational work as well as inter-religious marriage, without any demonstrated evidence of the large-scale forced conversion the law claims to address.

    What is Article 25 of the Constitution?

    1. Freedom of conscience and religion: Article 25 guarantees all persons freedom of conscience and the right to freely profess, practise and propagate religion, subject to public order, morality, health and other fundamental rights.
    2. Subject to state regulation: The Article allows the state to regulate secular activities associated with religious practice and to provide for social welfare and reform, the constitutional basis states cite when enacting anti-conversion legislation.

  • To Zohran Mamdani: The RSS chief you may not know

    Why in the News

    A senior advocate who served as one of three mediators in the Ayodhya-Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi dispute has written an open letter responding to New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s criticism of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat, recounting Bhagwat’s role in restraining celebration after the 2019 Ayodhya settlement and in the later Gyanvapi mosque controversy in Varanasi. The piece sets Bhagwat’s public restraint against a moment when the judiciary itself, rather than the RSS, departed from the settled position on the Places of Worship Act, 1991.

    What role did Bhagwat play around the Ayodhya settlement?

    1. Restraint after the 2019 verdict: Bhagwat insisted there should be no celebration or jubilation over the Ayodhya outcome, since this would be provocative to the other side, and the moment passed largely without triggering wider unrest.
    2. A stated limit on the RSS’s claims: Bhagwat said the RSS’s interest was confined to the Ram Mandir and that it was not seeking to reclaim any other place of worship, a statement the writer says helped temper the Vishva Hindu Parishad’s publicly stated list of other disputed mosques.

    What happened in the Gyanvapi case, and how did Bhagwat respond?

    1. A departure from precedent in the Gyanvapi ruling: Justice D.Y. Chandrachud, then a puisne judge who had earlier delivered part of the Ayodhya judgment, remarked in the Gyanvapi case that it remained open to the court to examine whether the site was a mosque or a temple, a position the writer characterises as a departure from the Ayodhya judgment’s own reasoning on the Places of Worship Act.
    2. Bhagwat’s public intervention: Bhagwat responded the following day by saying “one cannot go looking for shivlings in every mosque,” a statement the writer frames as running counter to the direction the Court’s own remark had opened up.

    Conclusion

    The writer argues that Bhagwat’s recorded public positions, restraint after Ayodhya and the remark against searching for shivlings in every mosque, reflect a stated commitment to inter-community harmony that Mamdani’s criticism of the RSS chief does not account for, and proposes that the two meet and talk during Bhagwat’s visit to the United States.

    What is the Places of Worship Act, 1991?

    1. Statutory freeze on religious character: The Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991 mandates that the religious character of every place of worship, as it existed on 15 August 1947, be maintained and prohibits its conversion, with the Ayodhya dispute exempted as a case already in litigation when the law was enacted.
    2. Held to embody a Basic Structure value: In the Ayodhya judgment, the Supreme Court held that the Act embodies the constitutional values of secularism and is part of the Basic Structure of the Constitution.

  • The SYL canal saga: Why Punjab won’t yield, and Haryana cannot let go (Northern Lights column)

    Why in the News

    Chief Justice of India Surya Kant remarked, while hearing the three-decade-old Satluj-Yamuna Link (SYL) canal case, that “once the heart opens, the door also opens,” after Attorney General R. Venkataramani told the Bench that Punjab and Haryana now “speak in a joint voice.” The conciliatory language follows a 1996 suit by Haryana seeking completion of the SYL canal and comes months before Punjab’s Assembly elections, raising the question of whether it signals a genuine shift or another turn of phrase in a dispute where both states have historically hardened their positions, including a standoff last year when Punjab refused to loan Haryana water from the Bhakra dam for thirsty villages in Hisar and Fatehabad.

    What is the SYL canal dispute?

    1. A link canal ordered under a 1981 tripartite agreement: The SYL was designed as a 214-km canal, 122 km in Punjab and 92 km in Haryana, to carry surplus Ravi-Beas waters assessed at 17.17 million acre feet (MAF) under a 1981 agreement brokered by then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi between Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan.
    2. Haryana has completed its share, Punjab has not: Haryana finished its 92-km portion years ago, while construction on Punjab’s stretch has remained stalled since the 1980s.
    3. Legal basis on both sides: Haryana rests its claim on its status as a successor state of undivided Punjab, the 1981 agreement and successive Supreme Court rulings directing Punjab to complete its share. Punjab invokes the riparian principle, under which states through which a river flows hold primary rights to its waters, to challenge the 1981 allocation.

    Why has construction on the canal stalled for decades?

    1. Militancy halted work at its peak: The Shiromani Akali Dal’s Nehar Roko Morcha against the canal evolved into the Dharam Yudh Morcha after the Akalis joined radical ideologue Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. In 1990, Babbar Khalsa International militants shot dead SYL chief engineer M.L. Sikri, superintending engineer Avtar Singh Aulakh, and 32 labourers at the site.
    2. Punjab legislated itself out of the pact: In 2004, the Congress government headed by then Chief Minister Amarinder Singh passed the Punjab Termination of Agreements Act, 2004, ending Punjab’s obligations under the 1981 pact; the Supreme Court struck the Act down in 2016.
    3. Land returned to original owners: In 2016, the Akali government in Punjab returned the land acquired for canal construction to its original owners, a practical and political obstacle to reviving construction on the Punjab side.

    Why does Punjab resist sharing the water?

    1. Groundwater is already overexploited: Roughly 73 to 76 percent of Punjab’s blocks are overexploited, forcing farmers to dig progressively deeper wells, while border districts in southern Punjab at the tail end of the canal network struggle to irrigate.
    2. The 1955 allocation is seen as historically unfair to Punjab: The Centre in 1955 allocated non-riparian Rajasthan 8 MAF of water, leaving undivided Punjab with 7.2 MAF of the Ravi-Beas waters, a division Punjab’s political class continues to cite as the root grievance.
    3. Water unites Punjabi public opinion: Opposition to sharing water with Haryana cuts across political lines in Punjab. Eg. Rapper Sidhu Moosewala’s song “SYL,” released after his death, sang “Paani chhado, tibka nahin dinde (forget about water, we won’t give a drop)” and drew a large public response before being taken down.

    Why does Haryana insist the canal must be completed?

    1. Its own water stress is worsening: Haryana’s southern and south-western districts face falling water tables, down to 1,700 feet in places, and Chief Minister Nayab Singh Saini has repeatedly appealed to Punjab to share water, this year earmarking Rs 100 crore for the canal.
    2. It considers the legal position settled in its favour: Haryana points to its status as successor state, the 1981 agreement and repeated Supreme Court directions to Punjab as establishing its entitlement to the share of Ravi-Beas waters the canal was meant to carry.

    What is the Eradi Tribunal assessing, and what can it not do?

    1. Re-verifying the water assumed available: The Ravi-Beas Waters Tribunal, commonly called the Eradi Tribunal after its first chairman Justice V. Balakrishna Eradi, was set up in 1986 to re-verify water claims. The present tribunal, headed by retired Supreme Court judge Justice Vineet Saran with Justices P. Naveen Rao and Suman Shyam, conducted fresh field inspections in Punjab this summer, examining river inflows, canal outflows and hydraulic structures.
    2. Punjab’s position before the tribunal: Punjab’s Chief Minister and officials told the tribunal the state faces severe groundwater depletion and an acute canal water shortage, has no surplus for Haryana or Rajasthan, and that only Punjab, Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir fall within the actual Ravi-Beas basin.
    3. A tribunal finding cannot force construction: Whatever the tribunal concludes on whether the water assumed under the 1981 agreement still exists, it cannot itself build the canal or make Punjab’s people accept a settlement they consider damaging; only a negotiated political solution between the two states can do that.

    Conclusion

    The cordial language before the Supreme Court reflects political intent at the highest level, but it sits atop a dispute rooted in militancy, a legislated repudiation of the original pact and unresolved questions before the Eradi Tribunal about whether the water assumed under the 1981 agreement still exists. With Punjab’s Assembly elections approaching, whether the two states can convert this rhetorical shift into an actual settlement remains uncertain.

    What is Fiscal Federalism?

    1. About: Fiscal federalism is the division of financial powers, resources and responsibilities between the Union and the states, governing how revenue, expenditure and shared resources such as inter-state river waters are allocated and adjudicated.
    2. Rationale: It exists because states have unequal revenue capacity and unequal access to shared natural resources, requiring a constitutional and institutional mechanism to allocate resources and resolve disputes between states and the Centre.
    3. Named typology: Centre-state financial relations operate through tax devolution, grants-in-aid, and inter-state dispute mechanisms such as river water tribunals under Article 262 and the Inter-State River Water Disputes Act, 1956.

    Constitutional Framework Governing Fiscal Federalism

    1. Article 262: Empowers Parliament to provide for the adjudication of disputes relating to the use, distribution or control of waters of inter-state rivers, and to bar the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and other courts over such disputes if Parliament so provides.
    2. Inter-State River Water Disputes Act, 1956: Provides the statutory framework under which river water tribunals, such as the Eradi Tribunal, are constituted to adjudicate disputes between riparian states.
    3. Seventh Schedule, State List Entry 17: Places water, including water supplies and irrigation, within the states’ legislative domain, subject to the Union’s power under Entry 56 of the Union List over inter-state rivers declared expedient in the public interest.

    Challenges in Centre-State River Water Sharing

    1. Tribunal awards without enforcement teeth: River water tribunal decisions can remain unimplemented for decades without an enforcement mechanism binding the states. Eg. The SYL canal dispute has remained unresolved for over three decades despite multiple Supreme Court directions to complete construction. Fix. Empower the Inter-State River Water Disputes Act framework with a standing implementation authority with a fixed timeline, rather than leaving execution to the state governments involved in the dispute.
    2. Elections repeatedly delaying settlement: Water disputes become politically charged ahead of state elections, discouraging incumbent governments from conceding ground. Eg. The renewed conciliatory statements before the Supreme Court in the SYL case have come months ahead of the Punjab Assembly elections, raising doubts about whether they reflect a genuine shift.

  • Old rules, New rebels — Haryana khap panchayats vs Gen Z

    Why in the News

    Several khap panchayats, unelected community bodies dominated by elderly men from landowning communities, across north Haryana have passed resolutions banning marriage within the same gotra or khap cluster, live-in relationships and same-sex relationships, with violators to be barred from entering their villages. The resolutions followed outrage over a remark by a Naugama khap member at a meeting in Jind district, who said the phones of young women riding pillion in “unsuitable” clothing while using mobile phones should be smashed. Khap leaders describe the resolutions as guidance to preserve social cohesion, while young Haryanvis, women and men, have used social media to argue the diktats target women’s autonomy and carry no constitutional or legal standing.

    What are khap panchayats, and what have they resolved?

    1. An extra-constitutional community body: A khap panchayat is an unelected council, typically drawn from elderly men of a dominant landowning community, that claims authority over marriage, relationships and social conduct within a cluster of villages it oversees. Haryana has more than 130 such khaps.
    2. The August 9 Kandela resolution: Twenty-four khap panchayats meeting at Kandela village in Jind passed a resolution disallowing marriage within the same gotra or cluster, on the belief that members of the network are one extended social family regardless of caste.
    3. Bans on live-in and same-sex relationships: The khaps also passed resolutions against live-in and same-sex relationships and against content they consider obscene, while urging the government to regulate love marriages.
    4. No legal enforcement power: Khap members themselves acknowledge that khaps hold no legal authority. Fix. The stated penalty for disobedience, social ostracisation and exclusion from the village, is enforced through community pressure rather than any legal process.

    What triggered the current backlash?

    1. The viral remark on women’s mobility: Virender Dhull, a khap member and a school director of physical education, said at the Naugama khap meeting on August 1 that young women’s phones should be smashed if they rode pillion with legs astride while using phones or wearing clothes the khap found unsuitable.
    2. Local khap leaders disputed the characterisation: Naugama khap president Jaivir Lohan said the remark was an individual’s opinion, not a khap ban, and that parents, not the khap, should decide what is appropriate for their children.
    3. Same-gotra marriage was defended on genetic grounds: Lohan justified the ban on same-gotra marriage by citing a shared gene pool leading to genetic disorders and weak offspring, a claim not supported by the resolution’s actual social rationale of treating khap members as kin.

    How has Gen Z pushed back?

    1. Satire and direct criticism on social media: An M.A. student from Jind posted a video imagining a “Gen Z panchayat” that restricts elderly men’s card-playing and hookah use, questioning why moral scrutiny falls only on women.
    2. A generational and constitutional framing: A journalism graduate from Jind argued the diktats are illegal and violate constitutional rights, including freedom of movement, expression and privacy, and said the views of a few khap members should not be taken as representative of Haryana.
    3. The backlash cuts across gender: Content creators, including men, have criticised the khaps, though some responses have relied on derogatory personal attacks on khap members rather than constitutional argument.
    4. Data cited by critics: Commentators have linked the diktats to Haryana’s skewed sex ratio, noting the state’s Sex Ratio at Birth fell to 898 girls for every 1,000 boys in the first four months of 2026, alongside high youth unemployment.

    Challenges to khap panchayats’ authority

    1. Conflict with constitutional guarantees: Khap resolutions restricting marriage choice, mobility and relationships run against the fundamental rights to equality, personal liberty and freedom of movement. Eg. The Shakti Vahini v. Union of India (2018) ruling directed states to prevent khap panchayats from interfering with marriages between consenting adults. Fix. State governments should operationalise the safe-house and police-protection directions already laid down in that ruling rather than reacting only after a controversy goes viral.
    2. Exclusion of women from decision-making: Khap leadership remains almost entirely male; the Naugama khap’s 42 members are all men. Eg. Women were first elected as sarpanches in Haryana only in the 1980s, decades after khaps themselves had been functioning. Fix. Institutionalise the recently convened women-led mahapanchayats as standing bodies with actual resolution-making power, rather than as one-off gatherings.
    3. Selective moral policing: Restrictions target women’s clothing, mobility and phone use, while comparable scrutiny is not applied to men’s conduct, including drug use and crime among Haryana’s male youth. Eg. Critics have pointed out that no khap resolution has targeted male youth involved in drug abuse or crime, even as such resolutions are passed against women’s dress and mobility.

    Conclusion

    The wave of khap resolutions has sharpened a long-running collision in Haryana between a community-based order that claims authority over marriage and relationships and a legal system built around individual rights, now amplified by a socially connected Gen Z that is contesting these diktats openly online. The khaps have no legal power to enforce their rulings, but social ostracisation remains a real cost for those who defy them, leaving the underlying tension between custom and constitutional right unresolved.

    Back2Basics

    Gotra: A patrilineal clan or lineage group traditionally believed to descend from a common ancestor; marriage within the same gotra is customarily prohibited in parts of north India, the belief the Kandela resolution draws on.

      (GS2-07, 2015, 12.5 marks) Discuss critically the actions taken by the legislative, executive and the judiciary to set the things right in this regard.”

    1. Before SC Collegium: Can Acting CJs of HCs send names for judge appointments?

      Why in the News

      A controversy over the conduct of Rajasthan High Court’s Acting Chief Justice, Justice Sanjeev Prakash Sharma, has revived a recurring question before the Supreme Court Collegium: whether recommendations for High Court judge appointments sent by an Acting Chief Justice should be treated on the same footing as those sent by a permanent Chief Justice. The Collegium, headed by CJI Surya Kant and comprising Justices Vikram Nath, B.V. Nagarathna, M.M. Sundresh and P.S. Narasimha, must now consider at least four names recommended by Justice Sharma, who has held the acting post for almost a year. Supreme Court judge Justice Sandeep Mehta, a former Rajasthan High Court judge, has written three letters to the CJI seeking Sharma’s replacement by a chief justice from outside the state, alleging manipulation of case listings and misuse of administrative powers, allegations the CJI has said must go through institutional channels rather than the media.

      Why does an Acting Chief Justice’s recommendation raise a genuine question for the Collegium?

      1. Convention discourages it, but does not bar it: Acting Chief Justices conventionally do not make recommendations for judicial appointments because of their typically short tenures, though the Collegium has in the past accepted such recommendations in exceptional cases.
      2. One view favours considering recommendations on merit: Sources say part of the Collegium holds that names sent by an Acting Chief Justice should not be returned solely because of the official’s title, and should instead be assessed on merit.
      3. A competing view warns against normalising long acting tenures: The opposing view cautions that accepting names from Acting Chief Justices removes the pressure to appoint a permanent Chief Justice promptly, since there would be no apparent urgency.
      4. Justice Sharma’s tenure and lineage make this case unusual: Justice Sharma has been Acting Chief Justice of Rajasthan High Court for almost a year since September 2025, and Rajasthan is also his parent High Court, factors cited in support of considering his recommendations.

      What precedent exists for how the Collegium has handled Acting Chief Justice recommendations?

      1. The Bombay High Court precedent split the Collegium’s consultees: When Justice Dharmadhikari was Acting Chief Justice of Bombay High Court in 2020, he prepared a list of 22 names; two consultee judges objected in writing that no Acting Chief Justice could properly vet 22 candidates in so short a tenure, while a third consultee judge disagreed, noting Dharmadhikari’s long service on that High Court.
      2. The Collegium still forwarded most of the list: Despite the objections, the Collegium headed by then CJI S.A. Bobde sent 18 of the 22 recommended names to the Centre, relying on the third consultee’s affirmative response.
      3. A comparable case arose in Rajasthan in 2022: The Centre raised objections to at least 12 names sent by then Rajasthan High Court Chief Justice Akil Kureshi on the ground that they were made at the fag end of his tenure, and the Collegium headed by then CJI D.Y. Chandrachud ultimately cleared 8 of the 12 names after the Centre did not specify objections to particular candidates.

      What does the present Rajasthan controversy add to the recurring question?

      1. The dispute is no longer only about tenure length: Justice Mehta’s letters to the CJI allege manipulation of case listings and threats to fellow judges citing closeness to the CJI, extending the question from whether an Acting Chief Justice’s recommendations should count to whether the officeholder’s conduct in the post is itself compromised.
      2. Justice Sharma’s career path preceded his return to Rajasthan: He served as a Rajasthan High Court judge from 2016, moved to Patna High Court in 2022, was sent to Punjab and Haryana High Court after the Collegium declined his 2023 request to return to Rajasthan on health grounds, and was brought back to Rajasthan under a 2025 resolution.
      3. The Collegium has so far deferred adjudication: CJI Surya Kant responded to the allegations by stating that claims against a sitting judge cannot be adjudicated through the media and must go through institutional channels, leaving the underlying question of Justice Sharma’s four recommended names still pending.

      Conclusion

      The Supreme Court Collegium must now decide, in the specific case of Justice Sharma’s four recommendations, a question it has answered inconsistently in the past: whether an Acting Chief Justice’s nominations for High Court judgeships carry the same weight as a permanent Chief Justice’s. How it resolves this, against the backdrop of allegations against Justice Sharma’s own conduct in office, will shape whether prolonged acting tenures continue to carry recommending power in future.

      Back2Basics

      1. Supreme Court Collegium: An extra-constitutional, judicially evolved mechanism comprising the Chief Justice of India and the four senior-most Supreme Court judges, which recommends appointments and transfers of judges to the higher judiciary.
      2. Acting Chief Justice: Appointed under Article 223 of the Constitution by the President when a High Court’s Chief Justice post falls vacant or the incumbent is unable to perform duties, distinct from a permanent Chief Justice appointment.
      3. Consultee judges: Sitting or former judges, typically with prior experience of the High Court concerned, whom the Collegium consults on the suitability of recommended names before finalising a list.

      (GS2-05, 2025) Discuss the evolution of collegium system in India. Critically examine the advantages and disadvantages of the system on appointment of the Judges of the Supreme Court of India and that of the USA.

    2. How social media hooks children — Meta’s $17-billion settlement over addictive design

      Why in the News

      Meta, the owner of Facebook and Instagram, has agreed to pay up to $17.1 billion in penalties to 47 US states, Washington DC and other territories, and to make binding changes to its products, over claims that it endangered children through addictive design and violated child privacy norms. The settlement follows a March jury verdict in KGM v. Meta et al, where a Los Angeles jury held Meta and Google liable for $6 million in damages after finding that platform features contributed to a young user’s mental health harm. Indian regulators are studying the settlement as a possible template even as the Centre weighs age-based restrictions, usage limits and stronger parental consent requirements for children’s access to social media, discussions that remain at an early stage.

      What has Meta agreed to change, and why does the design focus matter?

      1. A default two-hour daily cap across both apps: Meta will impose a combined two-hour daily limit on Facebook and Instagram for under-18 users, cumulative across multiple accounts, changeable only by a verified parent, with direct messaging excluded.
      2. Time-boxed access at night and during school hours: Teen users will be blocked from most parts of the platforms between midnight and 6 am, with most push notifications disabled between 10 pm and 7 am and muted between 8 am and 3 pm on school weekdays.
      3. Engagement features are curbed by default: The settlement provides a non-personalised feed option, hides like and reaction counts by default, restricts cosmetic-procedure filters, and requires usage prompts after every 15 minutes of continuous scrolling.
      4. Compliance is externally audited: Meta must hire an independent auditor to assess compliance with the safeguards for five years, addressing an issue exposed at the KGM trial, where only 1.1 percent of teen users had activated an existing optional daily-use limit.

      Why do experts see the design-focused approach as more significant than the payout?

      1. The settlement forces architectural change, not just policy change: A US legal academic notes this is the first US instance of a major platform being forced to change the “architecture of its product” rather than only its stated policies, arguing the design changes matter more than the settlement figure.
      2. Default settings determine real-world reach: A researcher at Common Sense Media expects the universal, default time and night-mode limits to have real effect, while the optional recommendation and engagement changes will reach fewer teens because a parent must actively enable them.
      3. Compliance is not the same as harm reduction: A policy scholar cautions that measuring compliance with a feature checklist is different from measuring actual outcomes, and argues independent researchers need real data access on sleep, wellbeing and compulsive-use patterns to know if the changes work.
      4. Recommendation algorithms remain the open question: Critics note the changes do not fully address the recommendation systems that encourage continued scrolling, with one researcher’s biggest unresolved question being how removing algorithmic recommendations changes what teens are shown and re-engage with.

      What evidence links social media design to youth mental health harm?

      1. Large-scale studies link engagement to anxiety and depression: A 2024 meta-analysis of 143 studies involving over one million adolescents found greater social media engagement associated with higher levels of anxiety and depression.
      2. Specific design features have identifiable mechanisms of harm: A Johns Hopkins researcher identifies appearance-based social comparison, visible like counts and overnight notifications as features with clear mechanisms of psychological impact.
      3. Reducing use shows measurable benefit: A 2025 randomised controlled trial of 220 young people found that cutting smartphone-based social media use to about one hour a day for three weeks reduced depression, anxiety and fear of missing out, and improved sleep; a 2026 trial found a similar reduction in loneliness after cutting use by about 78 minutes a day.
      4. Academic performance is also affected: A 2025 systematic review of 34 studies found off-task social media and smartphone use generally associated with lower academic achievement among children and adolescents.

      What does the settlement leave unresolved, and what does it mean for India?

      1. A financial incentive, not a mandate, for industry-wide adoption: About 30 percent of the $17 billion payout is contingent on YouTube and TikTok adopting comparable safeguards and matching payments, with stricter limits following only if Snap, TikTok and YouTube all comply.
      2. No admission of wrongdoing or binding precedent: The consent judgment explicitly states the settlement does not establish a standard of care or serve as precedent in any non-participating US state or international jurisdiction, including India.
      3. A legal question on platform liability remains open in the US: A Stanford law professor notes Meta’s attempt to invoke Section 230 immunity against design-based claims could still reach the US Supreme Court, since the settlement does not resolve roughly 2,900 other pending cases.
      4. India’s own discussions remain preliminary: The Centre is weighing age-based restrictions, usage-hour limits and stronger parental consent requirements for children’s social media access, but these discussions are still at an early stage, with the US settlement offered as a possible design-regulation template.

      Back2Basics

      1. Section 230: A provision of the US Communications Decency Act, 1996, that shields online platforms from liability for content posted by users, now being tested against claims that target a platform’s product design rather than the content it hosts.
      2. Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023: India’s framework law on personal data processing, which includes provisions requiring verifiable parental consent before processing a child’s personal data.
      3. Multidistrict litigation: A US federal court procedure that consolidates similar lawsuits filed in different districts, such as the roughly 2,900 other cases against social media platforms, for coordinated pre-trial proceedings.

      (GS3-22, 2024, 10 marks, Microtheme: Data Protection) “Describe the context and salient features of the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023”

    3. Bihar decides to drop ‘fail’ from Class 10, 12 marksheets

      Why in the News

      Bihar’s Education Department has decided that Class 10 and 12 marksheets issued by the Bihar School Examination Board will no longer carry the word “fail,” replacing it with “Kaushal ke liye patra” (eligible for skills). The state’s Education Minister announced the change at a review meeting, saying the Board would amend its rules and issue instructions, and that a student’s inability to secure expected marks should not be treated as a reflection of talent. The change follows other recent moves in Bihar’s school system aimed at reducing conventional classroom pressure, including a shorter “no bag day” on Saturdays, and comes as the department also plans special preparatory classes for students appearing for supplementary examinations.

      What is changing on Bihar’s Class 10 and 12 marksheets, and why now?

      1. A terminology change, not a grading change: The word “fail” will be replaced with “Kaushal ke liye patra (eligible for skills)” on marksheets, while the underlying pass criteria and examination structure are unchanged.
      2. Mental health is the stated rationale: The Education Minister said the change is meant to protect student morale, framing a failing mark as a gap in results rather than a judgment on a student’s ability.
      3. Supplementary examination support is being added alongside: The department will run special preparatory classes for a month for students appearing in the Matric supplementary examination, aimed at improving their chances of clearing it.
      4. The change follows a wider set of reforms: Bihar has also introduced a shorter “no bag day” on Saturdays, from 9:30 am to 1 pm instead of 9:30 am to 4 pm, to expose students to theatre, music and other creative activities.

      What does Bihar’s own recent school reform pattern reveal?

      1. Reduced classroom time is a recurring theme: The Saturday “no bag day” order, issued under the Chief Minister’s announcement, cuts formal instruction time in favour of non-academic activity, mirroring the marksheet change’s emphasis on reducing pressure over reducing rigour.
      2. Teacher workload is being reallocated, not reduced: Teachers are now required to spend an additional hour after classroom duties on lesson planning, laboratory management and remedial classes, shifting effort toward preparation and remediation.
      3. The announcement doubled as a Teachers’ Day preview: The same review meeting discussed the September 5 Teachers’ Day function, where one teacher per district will receive a state award, tying the marksheet change to a broader push to recognise and support the teaching workforce.

      Challenges to a terminology-only fix for exam-related student distress

      1. Renaming does not remove the underlying selection pressure: A student who does not clear the exam still cannot progress to the next stage or apply for further study, so the anxiety around the outcome persists even if the label softens. Eg. Kerala and several other states have separately debated “no detention” policies without resolving the same underlying pressure around board exam outcomes. Fix. Pair the marksheet change with post-result counselling support and multiple re-attempt windows so students have a genuine path forward, not only a softer label.
      2. Selective terminology change can obscure rather than address failure rates: Removing the word “fail” without addressing why students underperform risks treating the symptom, language, rather than the cause, such as teaching quality or foundational learning gaps. Eg. Bihar has run remedial classes only for the supplementary examination cohort, not as a standing intervention through the academic year. Fix. Extend structured remedial teaching to the full academic year rather than limiting it to a pre-supplementary exam crash course.

      Conclusion

      Bihar’s decision replaces the word “fail” with a skills-oriented label on its board marksheets, framed as a mental health measure, while leaving the underlying pass-fail structure and supplementary examination process intact. Whether the change eases student distress or merely renames it will depend on whether the state follows through with sustained academic support rather than a one-time terminology.

    4. Braving the odds — parents of differently abled children in Kerala

      Why in the News

      A decade after Parliament passed the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016, parents of differently abled children in Kerala continue to carry a caregiving burden the law has not eased, according to accounts gathered from families, care home organisers and rehabilitation professionals in Kozhikode. The article documents parents facing career loss, mental health strain, social stigma and, in extreme cases, deaths linked to caregiving despair, alongside gaps between the schemes that exist on paper and their reach on the ground. Officials and caregivers agree institutions and laws exist in adequate number, but say implementation and follow-up are what fail the families the law was meant to protect.

      What burden do parents of differently abled children carry, and how does it change over a lifetime?

      1. Grief is staged, not a single event: A rehabilitation expert identifies denial, anger, an attempt to escape the situation, depression and eventual acceptance as the stages every such parent passes through.
      2. The burden intensifies as the child becomes an adult: Once a child clears Class XII with assistance, parents shift to worrying about adult life, and over 20 cases of parents attempting to kill their adult children or end their own lives were recorded in Kerala in the past year alone.
      3. Mothers carry a disproportionate share: Around 34 percent of parents of girls worry specifically about their daughters’ safety in their absence, and menstrual hygiene management adds to caregiver fatigue and sleeplessness.
      4. Careers and social lives are given up: A survey of 200 parents by a private care home found at least four PhD holders and 30 postgraduates among them unable to pursue careers, most also avoiding social events.

      Why do government schemes for the differently abled fail to reach their intended beneficiaries?

      1. Reach, not availability, is the gap: A care home organiser says India has enough institutions and laws for the differently abled, but existing schemes, such as the pension for differently abled persons, are not tracked for how many eligible people actually receive them.
      2. New schemes launch without evaluating old ones: Projects are announced without follow-up or evaluation of whether earlier schemes worked, according to a care home convener who argues empowering existing schemes matters more than launching new ones.
      3. Departments work in silos: A convener calls for convergence between the Departments of Education, Health and Social Justice, starting with including the real-life problems of the differently abled in the school curriculum rather than only success stories.
      4. A parent-centric policy design has its limits: A Social Justice department official concedes the existing policy framework itself is built around parents, leaving less structured support for the child’s independent adult life.

      What alternatives are families and the government building to reduce dependence on parents?

      1. A parent collective is building independent housing: A group of parents pooled funds to build 25 houses of 800 sq. ft. each at Keezhariyur in Kozhikode, along with vocational training centres, therapy units and a health centre, so children with intellectual disabilities can live even without their parents.
      2. Respite care has been introduced in response to caregiver strain: The Kerala Social Justice department launched three ‘Anpu’ homes in August, letting differently abled persons and their parents stay up to seven days, twice in six months, so caregivers can attend to emergencies or travel.
      3. Existing government facilities remain concentrated in a few centres: Northern Kerala’s government facilities include a Regional Intervention Centre and Autism Centre at Government Medical College Hospital, Kozhikode, and a District Early Intervention Centre at Government General Hospital, Kozhikode, but officials admit other districts lack comparable facilities.
      4. Vocational reskilling is proposed for adult independence: A former Samagra Shiksha Keralam official suggests deploying persons with intellectual disabilities in mechanical jobs after proper training, converting disability into an employable skill rather than treating it only as a welfare category.

      Challenges to disability welfare delivery in Kerala

      1. Care-giving burden has no institutional substitute: Families rely almost entirely on parents, especially mothers, for lifelong care, with no state mechanism assuming that role once parents age or die. Eg. Parents in Kerala report at least 20 cases in a year of attempting to end their own or their child’s life over anxiety about the child’s future without them. Fix. Expand community living models like the Keezhariyur collective through state co-funding, so independent living is not dependent on a single family’s ability to pool resources.
      2. Social stigma persists despite legal protection: Differently abled children are still kept away from social events such as weddings, undermining the dignity and inclusion the 2016 Act guarantees on paper. Eg. Caregivers report attempts to exclude differently abled children from family weddings in Kerala. Fix. Link disability welfare scheme disbursement to periodic community sensitisation drives conducted by the Social Justice department.
      3. Exploitative “magical cure” claims target desperate families: Parents seeking a cure for their child’s condition fall prey to unproven treatments and sell property in the process, delaying appropriate care. Eg. A rehabilitation professor in Thiruvananthapuram reports parents selling property believing false claims of a cure. Fix. Empower District Early Intervention Centres to issue verified treatment pathway certificates that families can use to screen out unproven providers.

      Conclusion

      A decade of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act has not closed the gap between the schemes that exist and the support caregivers actually receive, leaving Kerala’s parents of differently abled children to build their own alternatives, from community housing to informal support networks, while government follow-up on existing entitlements remains the piece still missing.

      Back2Basics

      1. Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016: An Act of Parliament that replaced the earlier 1995 law, recognising 21 categories of disability and mandating equal opportunity, non-discrimination and full participation for persons with disabilities.
      2. Administering ministry: The Act is implemented by the Department of Empowerment of Persons with Disabilities under the Union Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment.
      3. Core entitlements: It guarantees reservation in government jobs and higher education, free education for children with benchmark disabilities, and accessibility in the built environment, transport and information.
      4. National Trust: A statutory body under the Act’s parent ministry, chaired by the District Collector at the local level, mandated to support persons with autism, cerebral palsy, intellectual disability and multiple disabilities.

      [2026] Which of the following statements with regard to the persons with disabilities in India is/are correct?

      1. The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, an Act passed by the Parliament of India in 2018, mandates reservation in education and employment, places a legal duty on Governments to ensure accessibility and non-discrimination.

      2. The Sugamya Bharat Abhiyan focuses on achieving universal accessibility for Persons with Disabilities across three key domains – built infrastructure, transport systems and information and communication technology.

      3. The National Divyangjan Finance and Development Corporation (NDFDC) is a public sector organization set up by the Ministry of Corporate Affairs as a not-for-profit company to promote entrepreneurship among Persons with Disabilities (PwDs).

      Select the answer using the code given below:

      [A] 1 and 2

      [B] 2 only

      [C] 1 and 3

      [D] 1 only

    5. Gen Z Adivasis ask for more

      Why in the News

      Tribal students at the Manjari Scheduled Tribes (ST) hostel near Pune have been on a hunger strike for over two weeks, part of protests at 25 locations across Maharashtra since August 12, demanding that the state act on 14 charges, chief among them a Supreme Court-mandated 2017 order to fill 12,500 government job positions reserved for tribals. The immediate trigger was an August 5 state order capping the age limit for staying in tribal hostels at 26 years, which the government raised to 30 on August 14 after protests began. The agitation gained force after three tribal schoolgirls died of snakebite at a Gadchiroli ashram school that had no beds. The state has held four rounds of talks and withdrawn the age cap, but has given the protesters no timeline on the pending job vacancies, and students say the same demands recur every year.

      What are the students protesting, and what triggered this round?

      1. Fourteen charges, only one conceded early: The students placed 14 demands before the government, of which it first agreed only to scrap the hostel age limit for admission.
      2. A punitive age cap sparked the protest: The August 5 order capping hostel stay at 26 years threatened students who use the hostel to prepare for competitive exams and city jobs, and was raised to 30 only after protests spread.
      3. Snakebite deaths widened the demands: Three tribal schoolgirls died of snakebite at an ashram school in Gadchiroli that had no beds, after which protesters added a demand for 1 crore compensation and health insurance for the families.
      4. Invasive hostel practices are also contested: The students want Government Resolutions restricting assembly, protests and union participation withdrawn, and an end to compulsory practices such as pregnancy tests in female hostels.

      Why has the 2017 Supreme Court-mandated job quota gone unfilled for nine years?

      1. A binding order without a deadline mechanism: The Supreme Court directed in 2017 that 12,500 government job positions be filled for tribals, but nine years on the vacancies remain open with no fixed completion date.
      2. The state cites inter-departmental delay: A government official said filling the vacancies “cannot be done overnight” because multiple departments are involved, without naming a target date.
      3. Hostel capacity has not kept pace with demand: The state runs 490 tribal hostels housing 59,020 students, and students say the government has not expanded this capacity for several years even as demand for seats in city hostels has grown.

      What does the state’s handling of the protest reveal about tribal welfare governance?

      1. Concessions follow political pressure, not review: The age cap was withdrawn only after Congress leader Rahul Gandhi gave the protesters a platform at a Pune rally and wrote to the Chief Minister, not through an internal policy review.
      2. Design choices override student preference: The state defends centrally cooked meals for hostels as easier to monitor, while students say food travelling up to 100 km from central kitchens often spoils by the time it reaches them.
      3. The protest is a recurring one: Students say they have held similar protests for four consecutive years over the same unmet demands, including hostel safety and hygiene.
      4. The hunger strike has produced a medical emergency: Two of the six students on hunger strike, weak after 14 days without food, needed to be moved for hospital treatment as their blood pressure and blood sugar dropped.

      Challenges to filling the Scheduled Tribes job quota

      1. No enforcement timeline attached to the court order: A Supreme Court direction to fill a quota carries no built-in penalty for delay, so the executive can let vacancies persist for years without consequence. Eg. The 2017 order remains unimplemented nine years later even as the state government publicly reaffirms it will comply. Fix. Require the state to file a compliance affidavit before the Court every six months, naming the number of posts filled and the department responsible for the remainder.
      2. Fragmented departmental ownership slows recruitment: Filling a quota spread across “many departments” leaves no single authority accountable for the shortfall. Eg. A state official cited inter-departmental coordination as the reason recruitment “cannot be done overnight.” Fix. Designate one nodal department to consolidate vacancy data and recruitment timelines across departments and report progress publicly.

      Conclusion

      The Manjari hunger strike has forced the Maharashtra government to withdraw one contested order and promise action on the rest, but the core grievance, a Supreme Court-mandated tribal job quota unfilled nine years on, remains unresolved without a stated timeline. Whether this round of protest produces a written, binding commitment or another round of verbal assurance will determine if the annual cycle of protest continues.