The article suggests the approach that India should adopt in its policy toward China. Long term view of the situation is crucial. But some short term steps is also necessary.

Prelude to 1962 War

• Revolt in Tibet and granting asylum to the Dalai Lama in March 1959 can be seen as start of tensions in relations.
•  In October 1959, there was a face-off between Indian and Chinese troops at Kongka La.
• With the conflict in 1962,  there was very little room for a reasoned, negotiated settlement on the boundary question between the two countries.

2020 is not same as 1959 for both India and China

• Both nations have grown immensely in strength and stature on the world stage – even military wise.
• Their relations have substance and a diversity of content in a manner absent in the 1950s – like the economic relations.
• Hence, there is a need to not blame each other and find solutions instead of descent towards a full-blown conflict with China.

Weighing the options carefully

• India at present is struggling at multiple fronts:
• 1) COVID-19 crisis demands the full attention of the government.
• 2) Economy is stagnant and needs recovery.
• 3) Tensions on other fronts – Pakistan persist and Nepal dispute in the Lipulekh/Kalapani area.
• Thus, the call by warmongers should be evaluated, that too critically.

Evolving comprehensive China policy

• Strong political direction, mature deliberation and coherence are keys to handling the situation.
• Army’s role can involve tactical adjustments and manoeuvres to deter the Chinese.
• But comprehensive China strategy should be left to those tasked with national security policy.
• Chinese transgressions in Sikkim and Ladakh can provide learning lessons for our future strategy.
• A complete strategy would involve military, diplomatic and political levels.

Future plan of action – Defence

• India should take the initiative on a timely and early clarification of the LAC.
• Identify areas of conflict and mark such areas as demilitarized by both sides through joint agreement.
• At the same time, India must stand resolute and firm in the defence of territory in all four sectors of the border.
• Contacts between the two militaries — joint exercises and exchanges of visits of senior Commanders — should be scaled down for short term future.
• Diplomatic channels must continue to be open and should not be restricted in any way as they are essential in the current situation.
• A border settlement is part of long term strategy.

Future of business, trade and investment between two countries

• Indian businesses in China and Chinese business operations in India can expect tougher future.
• The scenario on trade and investments could encounter similar obstacles.
• Areas of on national security, as in the cyber field and in telecommunications (5G) should take necessary reduction in import of Chinese items.

 India should strengthen alliances

• The events in Galwan Valley should be a wake-up call to re invent it’s South and east Asia policy.
• This is an opportunity for India to align its interests much more strongly with the U.S. as a principal strategic partner.
• India should also infuse more energy into its relations with Japan, Australia, and the ASEAN.
• The time has also come for India to reconsider its stand on joining the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership.
• To disengage from economic involvement with China, and build the capacities and capabilities it needs in manufacturing, and in supply chains networks closer home, India has to think in the long terms.

Consider the question “The context of changing relations with China has forced India to reconsider the depth of its engagement with other countries. In light of this examine the changes India’s foreign policy adopt in dealing with other countries.”

Conclusion

Galwan incident is a wake up call for us. In every aspect, engagement with China needs a re look. And that also includes an increased level of engagement in South Asian neighborhood.

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In the changing circumstances, there is a need for recalibration of foreign policy when dealing with China. This article draws on a policy approach adopted by Nehru and suggests 4 areas to focus on while devising the foreign policy.

India must pay attention to “five fingers”

• The deadly clashes at Galwan and the ongoing standoff between India and China on the ridges or “fingers” around the Pangong Tso are a metaphor for the wider conflict between the two countries.
• The metaphor refers to all the areas that Chinese strategy refers to as the “five fingers of the Tibetan palm”.
• According to the construct, attributed to Mao and cited in the 1950s by Chinese officials, Xizang (Tibet) was China’s right palm, and it was its responsibility to “liberate” the fingers.
• Fiver fingers are defined as Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan, and the North East Frontier Agency (NEFA, or Arunachal Pradesh).
• Sixty years ago, India began to set about ensuring that quite the reverse ensued, and all five fingers were more closely attached to India, not China.
• As the government of India grapples with its next steps at the Line of Actual Control (LAC), it must cast a similarly grand strategy, to renew its compact with each of those areas today.

Chines propaganda before 1962 War

• In the 1950s, even after India and China signed the Panchsheel agreement in 1954.
• And before the 1962 China-India war, the Nehru government had begun to worry about some of China’s proclamations.
• Especially after the flight of the Dalai Lama to India in 1959, China began to demand “self-determination in Kashmir”, wrote former Foreign Secretary T.N. Kaul in his memoirs.
•  More importantly, school textbooks there began to depict the “five fingers” as a part of China.

India’s three-pronged foreign policy form past

•  India’s defeat in the 1962 war has been studied in great detail, what is perhaps not so well understood is the three-pronged foreign policy New Delhi set into motion at the time, that provided an effective counter to Mao’s five finger policy over the course of the century.

Following are the 3 elements that also formed the part of past policy, with the addition of Jammu and Kashmir status change.

1. Focus on border infrastructure and governance

• The first was a push for building border infrastructure and governance.
• In the mid-1950s the government piloted a project to build the Indian Frontier Administrative Services (IFAS) for overseeing NEFA (Arunachal Pradesh) and other areas along the India-China frontier.
• The Foreign secretary was the Chair of the IFAS selection board.
• And many who enlisted in the cadre overlapped between the Indian Foreign Service, the Indian Administrative Service and the Indian Police Service, and rotated between postings in the most remote tribal areas and embassies in the region.
• A special desk was created in the Ministry of External Affairs for officers who would tour all the regions from NEFA to Ladakh in order to make suggestions for the rapid development of these areas.
• While India’s border infrastructure is only now catching up with the infrastructure China built in the course of the next few decades, its base was made during the brief period the IFAS existed, before it was wound up in 1968.
• An idea before its time, the IFAS’s role has since been transferred to the Indian Army and the Border Roads Organisation (BRO).

Idea worth revisiting: IFAS

• IFAS is an idea worth revisiting, especially as areas along the frontier continue to complain of neglect and a lack of focus from the Centre.
• In 2019, the Chief Ministers of Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram called for the resurrection of the IFAS.

2. Outreach and treaties

• The second prong were a series of treaties that were signed around that time with neighbours such as Nepal and Bhutan.
•  And the consolidation of control, militarily and administratively, of other territories that acceded to India, including Ladakh as a part of Jammu and Kashmir (1947), and NEFA (1951).
• In 1950, India signed a treaty with Sikkim that made it a “protectorate”.
• By 1975 the Indira Gandhi Government had annexed Sikkim and made it the 22nd State of India.
• Each of these treaties built unique relationships with New Delhi, tying countries such as Nepal and Bhutan in ways that were seen as a “win-win” for both sides at the time.

Treaties outliving their utility

• Over time, the treaties have outlived their utility.
• And the benefits of unique ties with Nepal and Bhutan, including open borders and ease of movement, jobs and education for their youth as well as India’s influential support on the world stage, have waned in public memory.

What explains difference in Nepal and Bhutan for India

• One of the reasons that China has been able to make inroads into Nepal and not with Bhutan, is that the government renegotiated its 1949 Treaty of Perpetual Peace and Friendship with Bhutan.
• The India-Bhutan 1949 Treaty was replaced with the India-Bhutan Friendship Treaty in 2007.
• 2007 treaty dropped an article that had committed Bhutan “to beguided” by India on its external affairs policy.
• This has held India and Bhutan ties in good stead thus far, even during the Doklam stand-off between India and China in 2017 in the face of severe pressure from China.
• However, despite years of requests from Kathmandu, New Delhi has dragged its feet on reviewing its 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the Government of India and the Government of Nepal.
• and on accepting a report the Eminent Persons’ Group (EPG) on Nepal-India relations has produced that recommends a new treaty.
• New treaties may not, in themselves reduce India’s security threat from China in its neighbourhood.
• But they create space for a more mutually responsive diplomacy that is necessary to nurture special relationships.

3. Tibet strategy: India must chart a more prominent role

• For the third prong, India’s policy towards the “palm” or Tibet, itself should be looked at more closely as well.
• While New Delhi’s decision to shelter the Dalai Lama and lakhs of his followers since 1959 is a policy that is lauded.
• But it does not change the need for New Delhi to look into the future of its relationship, both with the Tibetan refugee community in India, which has lived here in limbo for decades, as well as with its future leadership.
• At present, the Dalai Lama has the loyalty of Tibetans worldwide, but in the future, the question over who will take up the political leadership of the community looms large.
• The Karmapa Lama, who lived in India after his flight from China in 2000, and was groomed as a possible political successor, has now taken the citizenship of another country and lives mostly in the United States.
• Meanwhile, China will, without doubt, try to force its own choice on the community as well.
• Given that it is home to so many Tibetans, India must chart a more prominent role in this discourse.

4. Introspection of reorganisation in Jammu and Kashmir

• Finally, it is necessary to introspect on how India’s own reorganisation of Jammu and Kashmir in August 2019 has changed the security matrix and threat parameters for India, and its neighbours.
• While Pakistan’s extreme reaction to the move was expected, China’s reaction was perhaps not studied enough.
• Beijing issued a statement decrying the impact on Jammu and Kashmir, and another one specifically on Ladakh.
• In the statement, China called it an attempt to “undermine China’s territorial sovereignty by unilaterally changing its domestic law”.
• And warned that the move was “unacceptable and will not come into force”.

Consider the question “India’s relations with China has always had to factor in the border dispute. But the incidents in recent necessitated a relook at the foreign policy towards China.” In light of this, examine the factors that must form the basis of foreign policy.

Conclusion

The impact of the new map of Jammu and Kashmir on ties with Nepal as well, is no coincidence. There is proof enough that now more than ever, as the government readies its hand on dealing with China, it must not lose sight of every finger in play.

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